Need for Research on National Day

While the Maldives celebrates its National Day in relation to the legendary exploits of Mohammed Thakurufaanu against Andhiri Andhirin, we know next to nothing about the history of the period. Most of what is taken today as history really comes from an oral tradition handed down from generation to generation and last narrated by Burara Mohammed Fulhu in the mid 20^th Century. Even a cursory glance will confirm that most of the story is simply fantasy –splitting islands and breaking masts with magic spells.

Historically the first scholar who attempted to glean some facts from the myth was Hussein Salahuddin (1881 – 1947). His attempt, though commendable, was incomplete because he did not reconcile the story with existing historical records. This leaves several fertile areas for research.

The history of celebrating the National Day is relatively short. Amir Mohamed Amin, the ruler of Maldives, instituted the National Day against a background of a wave of nationalism that was sweeping across South Asia in the post World War II period, which culminated in the independence of India, Pakistan and Ceylon. Maldives also negotiated a new agreement in 1948 with Britain, the colonial power. The agreement, which gave internal autonomy to Maldives, was trumpeted at the time as independence. As part of the celebrations, the title of Dhorhimeyna was conferred on Amin. During the build-up to this 'independence' national symbols were created, including the national anthem, national emblem and …the National Day.

After 1965, when the Maldives gained independence, National Day celebrations were abandoned in favor of the Independence Day. National Day was later resurrected by Maumoon Abdul Gayoom in 1979 as part of his personal vendetta against President Ibrahim Nasir, which included reversing everything done by the latter.

Up to 1948, when Amin created the appropriate mythology and meta-narrative for the National Day, the Portuguese were not specifically identified in any historical record as the enemy whom Mohammed Thakurufaanu fought. Hassan Thajuddin's Thareekh simply labels the enemy as 'infidels.' Since Thajuddin had specifically referred to the Portuguese (Furhethikaalun) in connection with another event, it is surprising that he did not use the word Portuguese to refer to Thakurufaanu's enemies. Interestingly, no record exists in Portuguese archives regarding the supposed Portuguese rule of the Maldives. This is even more surprising because the archives chronicle Portuguese colonial exploits in meticulous detail, including accounts of the voyages of individual ships along with their ports of call and manifests.

There are many other mysteries and questions that need answers:

• Why did Mohammed Thakurufaanu and his successors, Ibrahim Kalaafaanu and Hussein Faamuladheyri Kilegefaanu, continue to use their non-royal titles (Thakurufaanu, Kalaafaanu, Faamuladheyri, which are considered below the dignity of a king) after assuming power? No coronated King of Maldives had ever done that.
  
• In 1827, Ali Raja, Mariambe Ali-Adi Raja Bibi, of Cannanore wrote a letter to the Sultan Mohamed Mueenuddine I of the Maldives, claiming sovereignty over the Maldives based on an agreement between Thakurufaanu and the Ali Raja of Cannanore in the event Thakurufan was established in power in Male. (Refer page 294 of Divehi Tarikh). A reply was sent from Malè explaining that Thakurufan had no legal authority to enter into such a treaty with Ali Raja. Interestingly, Burara Mohammed's story also refers to such an agreement and goes on to say that after winning the war Thakurufaanu gave the Malabaris an inhospitable island Kattalafushi, in return for their help in the war. What really happened?
  

Electoral Hair Splitting

Maldivians appear to have a very short memory, at least when it comes to political matters. No one appears to remember what used to happen to ballot boxes on their perilous journey from distant islands, via atoll capitals, to Male. Double tapes, straightened paper clips, medical forceps and other paraphernalia used to fish out and replace negative votes in Presidential referendums appear to belong to a past as distant as the Paleolithic age.

Just one fair election was enough to erase our collective memory. We have conveniently forgotten that the success of that election was largely due to the decision to count the votes at the place of balloting. And today, the Majlis is debating a bill that could reverse that decision –the bill to amend Article 20 (A) of the Parliamentary Elections Act.

Ostensibly to protect the secrecy of the votes of isolated voters in islands other than their home, the amendment proposes to give the Elections Commission (EC) sweeping powers to take steps to ensure voting secrecy in the upcoming parliamentary elections. Many members of the Majlis oppose the amendment on the grounds that it could increase the possibility of voting irregularities.

The Constitution is ambivalent on the matter. Article 171 (B) of the constitution states “... Immediately after the close of the polls, the presiding officer who is appointed by the Elections Commission shall, in the presence of such candidates or their representatives if present, and any other persons authorized by law to be present, count at that polling station the ballot papers of that station, and record and publicly declare the votes cast in favor of each candidate or question in a public referendum.”

On the other hand Article 26 of the constitution says, “... every citizen of the Maldives eighteen years of age or older has the right: (a) to vote in elections, and in public referendums, which shall be held by secret ballot ...”

Points to be noted:
• What is more important, preventing electoral fraud or ensuring secrecy of a few a voters (who have the choice of going and voting in their constituencies to ensure secrecy)?
• Is it really possible to ensure secrecy in all possible hypothetic situations?
• When Article 171 specifically requires counting the votes in the polling stations, can a law change that?
• Does the phrase “...by secret ballot ...” imply that secrecy must be 100% ensured for each and every voter, or does the phrase merely refer to the choice of a voting method –secret ballot as opposed to open ballot?

Abdullah Nafiz of Meedhoo Passes Away

Abdullah Nafiz, a leading Meedhoo and Addu political figure during the 1950s and 60s, passed away on Monday morning at Male. Nafiz was 92 years of age and is survived by a wife, 3 sons and 6 daughters.

Born to an intellectual family of Meedhoo in 1916, Nafiz’s father was Dheshenaagey Ahmed Manik, son of Chief Justice Ibrahim Majduddeen. Nafiz entered public life at a very young age under the auspices of his elder brothers Mohammed Fenna Manikufaanu and Dheshenaagey Ibrahim Didi, and was in charge of the community businesses in Meedhoo.

Later, during the time of the breakaway republic, United Suvadive, Nafiz was elected to the Suvadive Parliament. [The historic photo above shows Nafiz (standing) speaking in the parliament. On his left are Mudim Thakhan from Hulhudu, Kalhaage Ali Manika from Hittadu and Gaduvaru Moosa Didi from Hittadu. This meeting was chaired by President Afif Didi. To the President's right are Kateeb Don Raha of Fedu, Eedhigalige Hussain Manikfan, Beyruge Afif and Mohammed Saeed of Hittadu.]

Intelligent, witty and flamboyant, Nafiz was perhaps the last of the traditional great leaders of Meedhoo. He provided visionary leadership to Meedhoo for 3 decades till his retirement as Island Chief of Meedhoo in the early 1980s.

A successful family man, Nafiz raised a family of educated sons and daughters who have made names for themselves in a wide variety of fields. They include Mohamed Farouk, well know author and former Deputy Minister of Atoll Administration and Abdul Rasheed, former Member of the Majlis. Nafiz was also father in law of Chief Justice Abdullah Saeed.

We pray to Almighty Allah to bestow on him the bliss of Paradise.

We Really Can’t Afford to Hike Salaries

Translated from Dhivehi article by Moosa Latheef

Before writing this column I asked an economic expert, “I was trying to guess what would be cut from my salary, but the government is increasing salaries. Won’t ordinary people think like me?”

He replied that most ordinary people won’t think that way. That’s because Maldivians have never been known to live within their means, and further the government has been hesitant to explain to the people the reality of the economic situation. Because of this, salaries have been increased even though it is not feasible. This has confused the public, he said.

It’s worth recalling that we are today in a very different economic scenario. As Salah Shihab, a tourism and agriculture entrepreneur and a high official in the government of former President Gayoom, has said, no one under 50 years of age would have experienced an economic crisis of this magnitude. This means nobody born after 1959 would have seen such a thing. In fact, the current crisis is perhaps graver than the great depression of the 1930s.

The reality of the current situation is that we can’t afford to increase government salaries by even one rufiyaa. According to economic experts, if salaries are increased it would increase money supply. Maldivian rufiyaa will be chasing the dollar, the expert said. Even now most people say the dollar sells for over Rf. 13.50 in the black market.

It is the practice abroad to go for a deficit budget in times of economic crisis. However, in the Maldives caution is necessary. One must also consider whether the increased salary will have any real benefit. When the dollar sells for a rate higher than the fixed exchange rate, it would increase the prices of goods. In view of this inflation, economic experts are not of the opinion that the increased salary will benefit the overall economy.

The need of the hour is for everybody to accept the reality –everybody including the government and its employees, the traders and their customers. However, even now certain employees like teachers are claiming that they have not got a fair increase in their salaries. They believe this because perhaps they are not aware of the situation. Thus the government must explain the economic status to everyone. Whatever the political challenges, the details of the economy must be revealed. Whether the employees agree or not the government is not in a situation to increase salaries. If such a decision has been taken it is not a wise decision.

This year I will not request my office to increase my salary by even one year. Instead, if I want to see my company survive I must see what could be reduced from my salary. And if I have the guts I must ask them to reduce that much. If one thinks this way, we should not be considering salary increase, but contemplating how we will get in the next one and half years, what we are getting today.

Even while shedding a tear, there is no other choice but to accept the situation. According to the expert who talked to me, it is unlikely that the government will accept this reality before the Majlis elections. But that is the reality.

The Public’s Mistrust in Healthcare

Trust is a fundamental element in interpersonal relationships and the importance of trust within healthcare cannot be stressed upon enough. Patients present themselves to healthcare providers at their most vulnerable time and must be able to trust both the institution and the individuals involved in their care. They must be able to trust that these individuals and organizations are competent and have their best interests at heart. At present this is far from true in this country. Most patients do not trust the institutions nor the individuals providing the care. They are weary and suspicious of any medical encounter. Numerous accounts of mismanagement, maltreatment and neglect by doctors are exchanged daily in the queues at IGMH or ADK. People would rather go abroad for the simplest ailment than get a consultation here at home.

Several factors have contributed to the buildup of this mistrust.

Firstly, as the face of healthcare, some doctors do not bother or are not trained in creating a healthy doctor-patient relationship that is crucial to the success of any treatment. Most Maldivian doctors are trained in South Asia, either in India, Nepal, Pakistan or Bangladesh, where a paternalistic approach to patient care is acceptable, practiced and used in training. The doctors know what is best and the patient should do whatever the doctors order, no questions asked. Procedures can be done on patients even without consent. There is no room for the patient to refuse treatment. On daily rounds it is common to see doctors scolding patients for not complying with treatment. The rights of the patient and proper ethical conduct are hardly an issue. Thus it is not surprising that such incidents are all too common in our hospitals where the doctors are either trained in or are from such countries. The possibility of trust in such an environment is impossible, especially when Maldivian patients in general ask more questions and are somewhat more aware of their rights (hence the popular belief among doctors that Maldivian patients are 'troublesome' and ʻdifficultʼ).

Secondly, healthcare institutions and individuals do not protect the patients' rights of confidentiality and treat their medical information as coffee-time gossip. It is all too common to hear doctors discussing personal details of their patients for their amusement, or lab technicians discussing a patient's paternity test. Healthcare professionals owe a duty not to disclose information against the patient's wishes as medical confidentiality is an important feature of the doctor-patient relationship.

Thirdly, healthcare institutions are all too keen to cover up medical mistakes and no framework exists to deal with such mistakes. Hardly any incident is thoroughly investigated and proper actions taken, and those wronged are not compensated. There are no professionals trained in legal medicine and those sitting on the ethics committee lack any training in the area.

Fourthly, there is no institution to regulate and standardize healthcare. The recruitment of expatriate doctors, who make up majority of doctors especially in the atolls, should be more stringent and registration at the Maldivian Medical Council should be followed by a licensing exam. Many are familiar with the account of a cook who used to work in one of the islands as a doctor for several years. There is a lack of standardized management protocols for common conditions, and adherence to those existing protocols is limited and not enforceable. There is no code of ethics or a code of professional conduct for doctors, which is a necessary tool for the regulation of the profession. Policy makers should consult healthcare professionals in making decisions that affect the health of the population in general. The recent changes to the appointment system at IGMH (which has fortunately been reversed), seriously violated a patient's basic right to choose his/her healthcare provider, and only intensified the public's mistrust.

In such a setting, where healthcare is not standardized or regulated, and where the healthcare providers are not bound by any obligations, legal, professional or otherwise, the public's mistrust towards healthcare is not surprising. It has increased the number of second opinions being sought and requests for referral abroad. Failure to comply with treatment is commonplace. It has also increased the number of people turning towards other sources of treatment.

Having said all this, I know of no doctor who wishes harm on his patient. Perhaps it is the combination of several factors rather than a single one that has led to this mistrust. Trust is a potentially powerful variable affecting healthcare decisions. And as such, both healthcare institutions and individuals should work to regain and reestablish this trust, by building a relationship in which the values and goals of both parties are clearer to each other, one of shared decision making, and one which promises to increase patient satisfaction and lead to greater understanding of treatment and illness.

[Contributed by Dr. Faisal Saeed]

Homosexual Child Abuse

Maldives is an extremely conservative and pious society where calls for prayer promptly fill mosques, where recitations of Quran resonate through the air in the inter-prayer interval, and where politicians can win elections simply by raising the bogey of 'Islam under threat.' In such an atmosphere it is simply unthinkable that sodomy and pederasty are possible. Surely, those things only happen in the decadent west. It was therefore with utmost shock that Male citizens listened to the news that a man living in their very midst has been running a pedophilia racket involving long term homosexual relations with at least 35 boys.

On 11 January Hussein Fazeel, 38, of Veyruge, Villingili, was arrested on the charge bootlegging. While searching his premises the police discovered an external hard-disk containing pornographic images and a video depicting a number of young boys in various acts of gay sex.

An interesting feature of the discovery was how Fazeel had designed his room with games and entertainment to lure children. He obviously knew from experience that he could entice children by providing entertainment they lacked at home.

Since Fazeel happens to be a bootlegger, some people are sure to pounce on this fact and label this as alcohol related. In this instance of course it is alcohol related. But what about the numerous other cases we keep hearing about? Anecdotal information suggests that the vast majority of child abuse cases involve relatives and family friends. Most other cases involve elderly men who gain access to children in the guise of teaching certain subjects.

Homosexuality and child abuse are glaring examples of the discordance between our self image and reality. What is the remedy?

Dhivehi and International Mother Language Day

On 21 February, the world will be celebrating the 10th International Mother Language Day. The Day is an especially promising opportunity to recall what is at stake for Dhivehi.

The threat:

Dhivehi is among the 350 odd languages in the world with over 100,000 native speakers. And like the vast majority of those languages, Dhivehi also faces significant threats to its survival. According to experts, some telltale signs of a language under threat include youngsters preferring to speak in other languages and mixing it with other languages. These two signs are clearly visible with regard to Dhivehi. To counter this however, Dhivehi has an important survival advantage: Its status as the official language of Maldives.

Disappearing from bookshelves and CD stores:

In the 90s it was common to see young office girls reading Binma Waheed and Nahla's stories. Not anymore. Dhivehi novels have all but disappeared from offices and even bookshops. The leading publisher in the Maldives, Novelty, no longer publishes Dhivehi novels because they are not profitable.

The story is similar with Dhivehi music. Nearly 90% of songs stocked by music shops are English and Hindi CDs. The classical Dhivehi songs of the 70s and 80s have all but disappeared except in the series of 'E-Handhaan' CDs produced by Voice of Maldives.

The disdain shown by the current generation of Maldivians to Dhivehi literature is also reflected in student attitudes towards teaching Dhivehi at school. For nearly all students their most hated subject is the compulsorily taught Dhivehi language.

Why Dhivehi matters:

So the question is should we allow Dhivehi die a slow a death? Definitely not. Dhivehi language is absolutely vital to the identity of Maldivians as a people and Maldives as a country, because it is the only feature we all share and which few others have. It is a strategic factor in our advances towards sustainable development and the harmonious coordination of our affairs.

Far from being a field reserved for writers, Dhivehi lies at the heart of all social, economic and cultural life. Dhivehi does matter to all of us. It matters when we want to promote cultural diversity, and fight illiteracy, and it matters for quality education, including teaching in the first years of schooling. It matters in the fight for greater social inclusion, for creativity, economic development and safeguarding indigenous knowledge.

What can be done to develop and preserve Dhivehi

Make Dhivehi more computer friendly:

• Develop a spell checker program. For this the National Center must first develop guidelines for breaking down sentences into distinct words.
  
• Develop more fonts for different uses, for example large sizes for use on bill boards; mobile phone fonts etc.
  

Make Dhivehi more student friendly:

• Eliminate advanced literary forms such as 'raivaru' from school syllabi and make the lessons more interesting.