Raising the resort tenure limit to 50 years

The proposal currently in the Majlis to raise the tenure limit of tourist resorts to 50 years has raised a virtual storm mainly because of two reasons. One, resort islands comprise by far the most valuable economic resource in the Maldives. Two, many people fear the move will ultimately lead to transfer of full ownership of the islands. How real is this fear?

Increasing the lease period on resorts to 50 years could create a situation similar to what's called "lease hold" in Common Law countries like the United Kingdom. Leasehold is a form of property tenure where one party buys the right to occupy land or a building for a given length of time. As lease is a legal estate, leasehold estate can be bought and sold on the open market and differs from a tenancy where a property is let on a periodic basis such as weekly or monthly. Until the end of the lease period (often measured in decades; a 99 year lease is quite common) the leaseholder has the right to remain in occupation as an assured tenant paying an agreed rent to the owner.

In contrast to the above, full ownership of the land as well as buildings is called "free hold," where you own the land indefinitely and can do as you please with it. But this difference is mostly theory, and there is no real difference in practice between lease hold and free hold. In both cases you have full ownership of the land for all practical purposes.

Considering the above, many people believe that increasing the lease period is just one step from granting full ownership. Others however disagree. They believe that a lease situation can be maintained indefinitely; and as long as such a lease situation exists government will have control over the islands.

Now a fundamental question: What difference will it make if resorts are given on free hold basis? Opponents believe it will hamper the government's ability to regulate land use and levy taxes. Supporters believe it will help owners to raise finance to develop the properties.

Thus there are no clear-cut answers to the issue. But one thing is certain. Any decision People's Majlis takes on the matter could have the potential of haunting the Maldivian people for generations.

Cushioning the Impact of Employment Law

When the Employment Act came into force on 10 July this year – 45 days after ratification – it created havoc in workplaces across the country. Government budgets ran out of money and supervisors were overwhelmed with sick leave notices. This lead some people to believe the Act is unsuited for the Maldives, especially when applied to tourist resorts, industrial sites and shift duty stations. Others however pointed out that the 48-hour work week stipulated in the Act is the norm in the European Union, and if that norm can be implemented in hotels and factories in EU, there should be no reason it cannot be applied in the Maldives.

At first tourist resorts were not included in the Act, but were later included following agitation by resort employees spearheaded by TEAM. Now resort managements are coming under increasing pressure to implement the provisions of the Act fully. But many people –not just resort owners –believe there are serious controversies in the Act, particularly when implemented overnight without sufficient preparation in resorts and industrial sites.

Some people believe the employment law was basically drafted with the working conditions of civil servants (government office staff) in mind. Apart from the budget shortage (which could have been avoided if implementation was delayed till January) the law can be applied to civil servants with no major problems, they believe. The question is, were the working arrangements in tourist resorts and shift duty stations studied sufficiently before the law was implemented?

Are you shocked to learn that you will need to employ 7 people to keep just one person on duty in a 3 shift duty system, if each employee avails all the rights stipulated in the Law –maximum working hours, rest days, sick leave and holidays? If one is shocked by this statistic one needs to study the law carefully. Employees of course deserve all these rights and more. However, one must also realize that tourist resorts have been operating under various systems of employment for decades. Thus, there is an existing baseline. Shifting from this baseline to the level required by the law would need careful planning.

Tourism, together with fish processing plants, forms the back bone of the economy. We need to make sure sufficient and efficient labor is available for these growing sectors of our economy. A competitive labor market is absolutely essential to ensure that we attract foreign investment for the tourist industry. While the human rights record of China is far from ideal, there may be a few things we can learn from their experience in managing their labor force and succeeding in producing committed workers.

[This article is based on ideas submitted by Mohamed Shiham, an employee of a 5 star resort in the Maldives.]

Is the Civil Service on Right Course?

Article 54 (Haa) of the Civil Service Act says a Permanent Secretary's post must be created and filled in each responsible office of the government. To anyone except the Civil Service Commission (CSC), the wording of this article and its context leaves little doubt as to its meaning: each ministry must have one and only one permanent secretary. But today some ministries have more than one permanent secretary. What gives?

Having two permanent secretaries in a ministry is more than a mere cosmetic issue. It dilutes the responsibilities of a permanent secretary (PS) described in Article 55 of the Act, and weakens the line of authority from minister to PS and onwards to civil service staff.

Perhaps the most serious accusation leveled against the erstwhile Public Service Division (PSD) of the President's Office was its tendency to create posts for people. CSC came with the promise of making the practice history. But history appears to be repeating with vengeance.

How does the performance of CSC compare with that of PSD? In the late 1980s, PSD introduced the post of Director General (DG) as the senior most public servant in a ministry. For more than 5 years PSD managed to maintain a single DG in each ministry. Similarly after introducing the post of Executive Director (ED), PSD managed to maintain a single ED in a ministry for 3 to 4 years. Compared to this CSC managed to maintain a single PS in a ministry for just about 6 months. Interestingly, throughout the presidency of Ibrahim Nasir, he managed to maintain a single Director to head each department and a single Vakeel to head each division of a ministry.

CSC inherited an extremely top heavy bureaucracy. Let us hope the Commission manages to take decisive action to streamline the civil service.

Free Healthcare – a context!

By Ahmed Afaal

Is there any such thing as free health care? Or is it just an attractive jargon that pleases people? Health care is a basic right for every citizen of every country and Governments are supposed to provide appropriate access to services, a statement well understood by everyone! In the recent past there has been a lot of talk about health care reform in almost all corners of the world. Health care reform becomes a major talking point of each political election. In the 1990's economists in their quest to find better and efficient ways to finance collapsing health care systems started the health care reform jargon. With advancement and sophistication in health care interventions, escalating costs left governments and the public struggling to afford health care and hence more and more people did not have access to health care, even in the developed world.

If we look at the most advanced health systems of the world for example, the United Kingdom is one that boasts "free" health care. But the National Health System (NHS) of the UK has in the recent years struggled to cope with the costs and slowly is moving towards a more market based system. Free health care is mainly seen in economies with high taxation. However even with this, there is division for example in the UK Labour Party whether to introduce a new health tax to supplement the already expensive NHS budget which stood at a staggering 53 billion pounds in 2001 (The Guardian, November 30, 2001) and keeps increasing. Who pays? The people with a tax burden of over 40% of there earnings! Do we call this 'free' health care? Most related literature state that the UK health system is on one extreme of the financing spectrum, not a very good one.

On the other extreme in the US where health care financing is based mainly on private insurance. This system has left millions without access to health care. This year the estimated number of people without insurance in the US has reached over 43 million. Why? People can't afford healthcare. No wonder, health care becomes a major campaign slogan of every American election. In the recent presidential campaign in the US, Barrack Obama proposed government subsidies on the current expensive market based system (Times, September 29, 2008) in an attempt to relieve the burden paying insurance. Also recent experience such as the bail out of insurance giants AIG shows the vulnerability of such a market. Again most literature on the subject if you read indicate that the US has one of the most regressive health care financing systems in the world.

Countries like France have made their health systems more responsive by innovation. Social Health Insurance schemes with co-payments and capitations have improved the sustenance of their systems. However, still there are questions about such systems. For example in the last election campaign of the previous Premier of Australia, John Howard in his campaign promised 'free" healthcare for all Australians. But just 3 months into his term, he raised the health care tax rate – his answer to the public? If the government implemented free health care Australia will go bankrupt and he said something along the following lines "I'm sure Australians will forgive me since my financial advisors were wrong at that time. I cannot make Australia go bankrupt just because I made an election promise" Perhaps one of the reasons his government did not last too long this time.

Coming to the context of the Maldives which is what we need to get worried about, we have a system that is extremely regressive. Out of pocket payments have made people beg for health care. Many families have gone into unrecoverable debt since they had to borrow for health care. Just like all other parts of the world, health care costs will keep on escalating. The more sophisticated the more expensive it becomes. Good financing schemes are the only solution to this phenomenon of escalating costs. Government has failed to implement a proper scheme to finance the Maldivian health system, at least in the past and so far we have to wait and see what will come up with the new Administration. One fact though is that the current political environment has made health care financing one of the major talking points.

On a positive note, slowly the concepts of insurance are creping into the country. A good sign, but how sustainable is it? We saw the first Government Employees Insurance Scheme collapse before it was really even born. A bitter experience! Now the new scheme "Madhana" is claiming that it is a more promising scheme. We have to wait and see.

Note: A first version of this article was published in Mr. Afaal's blog, http://afaal.blogspot.com. This edited version is provided to this blog for the readers of this blog.

Giving a Boost to "Maldivian"

By Dhivehi Dhariyeh

Since the controversial demise of Air Maldives the country has been without a national airline in the international market. The issues surrounding the failure of Air Maldives have not had an independent analysis up to today; we need such an audit to learn lessons from the mistakes of the past.

To compensate for the failure of Air Maldives a new domestic airline was launched as Island Aviation. Through a steady growth strategy the company has expanded its fleet and operations successfully. The company currently has a fleet of 5 aircraft of which 4 are Bombardier Dash 8 family, composing of 2 Dash 8 Q300 (50 seat) and 2 Dash 8 Q200 (37 seat) aircrafts.

The company then took the bold step of venturing into the international market with its turboprop fleet much to the amusement of critics and competitors. With its dedication and effort it has overcome the odds and is successfully expanding its international operations including a rebranding of the airline division as Maldivian. The company's executive management and staff should be acknowledged for this progress and growth which was generated on its internal profitability and resources. The company has announced the next step in its growth by the delivery of a Dash 8 400 (75 seat) aircraft around early 2010. This looks to be a sound decision based on the fact that turboprops are more fuel efficient than jets and the Q400 matches the speed of a jet aircraft which used to be the main weakness of turboprops.

In light of the importance of having a suitable national airline the government needs to work out a solution to give a boost to the efforts of Maldivian. As such mainly two points are of importance now first increasing the capital of the company to speed up its expansion and putting in place an independent and capable strategic management body.

To increase the capital of the company the government should increase its share in the company and allocate a percentage of the company for interested private parties to invest in. For example let 4 private parties invest up to 10% share each, thereby giving a total investment of 40% to private parties while government holds 60% of the company. This seems to be the viable option since attracting an established foreign airline to a JV is slim due to the current economic conditions and the previous assessment of the feasibility by Qatar Airways.

With this increased capital the company should step up its expansion plans and look to acquiring an aircraft of greater capacity and range to allow it to serve feasible routes such as Bangkok, Malaysia and Dubai. An ideal aircraft for the purpose would be an Airbus A319 or similar type. Such an aircraft should be acquired in the short term, preferably somewhere in 2010. To aid this, the physical and human resources of the company should also be developed.

The company should also be appointed a professional and independent Board of Directors and ensure compliance with Corporate Governance Code even though it's not a public company. It should also be looked into the viability of bringing in a foreign CEO who's experienced in international airline operations. The government should reduce its dependence on the company's dividend (as with other SOE's) as a primary source of government revenue and let the company reinvestment a greater portion of its profits into its expansion.

[This article was submitted by Dhivehi Dhariyeh, a visitor to this site.]

Corrupting the Citizen

By Ahmed Afaal

On October 8, 2008 and on October 28, 2008 the Maldives underwent arguably the most democratic, the freest and the fairest elections in her entire history. This paves the new direction for future elections in the country.

Among the elections held in the country, the upcoming parliamentary election would be one that needs to be watched very carefully. In the past parliamentary elections have been influenced by money, and people with high governmental influence. Maldives went through a stage where the people were, in my words "made corrupt" by persuading them to accept money, goods and many other favours. This lead to a mass corruption where votes were given in return for something, i.e. votes were bought and many people still think that this perhaps is the norm.

Given this, during the last two parliamentary elections a large number of new faces came into both the Special Majlis and the Majlis. Their intentions were clear from what they have done so far. They have fought definitely on behalf of the people in a way that no previous parliament has ever done. They have passed the new constitution that is modern and people friendly. Many laws, most of them good and some with flaws while other laws contradicting each other were also passed.

No one in the country can deny that the current parliament's achievement in facilitating the democratic process, making the government more accountable, and the contributions to the special Majlis in the separation of powers is historic. The achievement of the outgoing Special Majlis in getting a new constitution needs mentioning.

Ironically, the sad truth though is, in order to bring this to the people, powerful business people and other influential people had to, in my words "further corrupt the citizens" by pumping more money and doing more favours to get votes. Votes were sold to the highest bidder last time around. Perhaps this was the only way that these members could have penetrated into the parliament.

Question now is that are the same parliamentarians going to come out this election and advocate that what they did was wrong? Would they come out clean?

Maldivians will definitely watch the actions of these people carefully. Especially these were the very people during the last presidential election, were most vocal and critical about this issue targeting it to the then ruling party's actions. Also, though we have a presidential system, parties will be fighting to get as many members in. Are there going to be totally new politicians who will defy the odds? Will there be those who have the courage to stand up to make the election clean? Would there be those who would and could educate and persuade the public to go on the right path? Only time will tell. We will have to hope that this endemic does not blow into an epidemic but rather get eradicated.

[*This analysis was presented by Ahmed Afaal, for the readers of this blog. He has his own blog (No politics) at http://afaal.blogspot.com/. As always I welcome contributions from the readers of this blog, which I will publish for the benefit of other readers and to keep this blog rich in content.]

Architect of Modern Maldives Ibrahim Nasir Passes Away

Maldives Independence hero and the man widely regarded as the architect of modern Maldives, Ibrahim Nasir Rannabandeyri Kilegefaanu, died in a Singapore hospital yesterday evening. He was 82 years old and was survived by 3 ex-wives, 2 sons and a daughter.

Born in 1926 in the island of Fuvahmulah and educated in Sri Lanka, Nasir became Prime Minister of Maldives in 1957 during the Southern Crisis. He became President on 11 November 1968 when Maldives became a republic for the second time. After completing 2 terms as President in 1978 Nasir handed over power peacefully in a unique display of democratic norms.

Nasir's greatest service to the nation, and the deed that ensures him a place of honor in history, is gaining independence for the Maldives from Great Britain on July 26, 1965. While settling the Southern rebellion was also notable, it was marred by human rights abuses.

Nasir's other services to the Maldives include:

1. Starting English medium education (1960)
   


2. Starting A level education (1976)
   


3. Initiating the Atoll Education Center project and opening the first center (Eydafushi, 1978)
   


4. Starting nurses training (1963)
   


5. Opening health centers in all atolls (starting with Naifaru, 1965)
   


6. Opening the first modern hospital (1967)
   


7. Building the first airport (1966)
   


8. Starting tourism (1972)
   


9. Establishing the first radio station (1962)
   


10. Establishing the first TV station (1978)
    

[Note: Nasir's services are too many to be accurately listed in full. A 20-year period of rule would obviously have negative aspects too. However, it is not customary to dwell on those aspects in an obituary note.]

Law on Privileges for Ex-Presidents Runs into Stormy Weather

The bill on Immunity and Privileges for Ex-Presidents, presented to the People’s Majlis by Meemu Atoll Member Aneesa has come for severe criticism from MPs. Most members who spoke on the bill appear to believe it was designed to give excessive privileges to a particular person. Such a view is at least partially justified considering that former president Ibrahim Nasir has lived for 30 years without any such privileges and no one appeared to be concerned about that.

One clause in the bill came for particularly harsh treatment –clause 2(b) that proposed to designate a ‘senior most state dignitary’ based on the number of years served as president. Members said this was a thinly veiled attempt to designate Maumoon to that position, because with his 30 years of service there was no possibility of anyone ever outdoing him. Other members thought designating an ex-president as the senior most dignitary infringed on the privileges of the incumbent president.

Members also criticized the proposal to give a house to each ex-president. Instead they proposed to give a living allowance and to allot a plot of land for those who did not own a house.
On the question of allotting staff for research, some members felt the government must not foot the bill for personal research, while research commissioned by the government could be paid. Similarly the number of personal staff could be reduced from 10 to 5 they suggested.

Most members also rejected the idea of paying to ex-presidents the same salary as incumbent presidents. Following this, the sponsor of the bill Aneesa downgraded the salary to three quarters of an incumbent president’s salary. On the question of providing security too, members felt that ex-presidents do not require the same level of security as incumbents.
The open-budget holiday package proposed in the bill was also severely criticized. Instead, members suggested a limited budget of $12,000 to $15,000 for the purpose.

The Majlis debate on the bill is still continuing and is likely to go to a committee. In the meanwhile President Nasheed has by decree sanctioned temporary immunity and privileges to former president Maumoon Abdul Gayoom.

Decentralization: Will it Reduce Civil Unrest?

People in sleepy outer islands of the Maldives, once docile and obsequious, suddenly in 2006 began to seize and besiege island administrative offices, demanding harbors, schools and sewage systems. Few people then or now associated this with decentralization or the lack there of. But listen to the voice of an islander:

"It takes 15 to 20 years to lay a sewage pipe or a sewerage system. Now we run towards what we call democracy. We close down the island office and everything stops. We turn desperate, write numerous letters and make numerous pleas before things get done. This is begging." –a resident of Eydhafushi, Baa Atoll, speaking in a documentary produced by Project Hope.

What the young man says contrasts sharply with conventional wisdom, which said unrest in the islands is the result of democracy. Here he says the unrest is the result of government neglect –in other words lack of good governance. Islanders were driven to unrest by desperation and the realization that seizing island offices was the only way they could get the attention of the government.

Decentralization, Selected Islands Development, Focus Islands, Development Regions, Development Zones: these are the ingredient of the cocktail that the government promised to the islanders for the past 25-30 years, but never even attempted to deliver. While paying lip service to decentralization, the government actually moved in the opposite direction –concentration of more and more power in the Atoll's Ministry.

Ministry of Atoll's Development headed by Abdulla Hameed made full use of developments in communication technology to further spread its influence to the islands. In progressive steps, VHF sets, telephones, fax machines, mobile phones and the internet reduced Atoll Chiefs to innkeepers and Katheebs to telephone operators.

Elections to Atoll Development Committee were dispensed with and it became a committee appointed by the Atoll Chief in consultation with Atoll's Ministry. Lacking popular support, the committees became rubber stamps for the Atolls Ministry.

It is reasonable to assume that lack of credibility of Katheebs and the committees is at least partially responsible for the civil unrest in the islands. Will decentralization solve the problem?

Theemuge as City Hall?

Ever since President Nasheed announced he will not occupy Presidential Palace Theemuge, people are wondering what to do with the house. This question is pertinent because Theemuge is arguably the finest building in Male. It was constructed at phenomenal cost to the exchequer (estimates vary from $ 30 million to $ 60 million) and has immense historical value. Considering all this, it could serve very well as Male's City Hall

A city hall or town hall is the chief administrative building of a city or town's administration and usually houses the city or town council, its associated departments and their employees. It is also usually the base of the city, town, borough, or county mayor.

Under the new Constitution, Maldives will have a system of local government by mid 2009. Under the system Male is likely to have an elected Municipal Council headed by a Mayor. Such a prestigious body will need a correspondingly prestigious address.

If one looks around the world, city halls serve as symbols of local government, and usually have distinctive architecture. They also frequently occupy historically significant buildings. This description fits Theemuge very well.

Theemuge started its life as 'Athiree Maafannuge' in the 2^nd quarter of the 20^th Century. It was built by Abdul Majeed Rannabandeyri Kilegefaanu as a home for his second son Hassan Fareed. After Fareed's death during World War II, Abdul Majeed donated the house to the Government. During the regimes of Nasir and Maumoon, the house served at different times as presidential residence as well as prime ministerial residence. It also housed ATA (the fore-runner of STO). Finally, in the early 1990s, it was rebuilt and renamed as Theemuge.

In addition to housing the municipal offices, Theemuge could also host a cultural center that showcases Male as the historic capital of the Maldives.

[Note: This article simply expresses the author's personal opinion as a citizen of Male.]

The Presidential Address – what do we make of it?

By Ahmed Afaal*

After a long and hard struggle to attain democracy in the Maldives, 28 October 2008 marked a historic day that led to the end of a 30 year long presidency followed by a courageous display of democratic transition from both the out going and in coming presidents. Like the vast majority of people who voted for change, I waited anxiously for the new beginning. Finally on 11 November 2008, a moment long awaited, a new chapter headlined in the Maldivian democracy, a new president was sworn in.

Now comes the time of delivery. The first impressions are always important. I was one eager listener to the first Presidential Address from a different person in my whole life. I had a lot of expectations. What directions are we going to take? After listening to the Address, it took some time for me to really think about what was said. What was the message? Keeping what I thought for myself, I asked around a lot of people what they thought of the speech. Many were unable to say something concrete but most of the intellectual people that I asked were not really impressed with it. One of them told me that, and I quote "The campaign is now over, why he delivered another campaign speech after being sworn in!" Well I felt kind of the same.

So what shall a good presidential address do? In 1946 George Orwell published an essay "Politics and the English Language" that describes some insight into good political speeches. Many of the American analysts still use this assay as a baseline for speech assessment. Though the speech was not in English, the inaugural address of the President exhibited some staleness and vagueness which according to Orwell, lacks the strength of such a speech. Also the address didn't meet Orwell's criteria for an effective political speech because it was filled with the same political slogans that had been in the media and campaign speeches for the last four or so years. The strategic directions rolling over to the implementation of the slogans were lacking.

As for me I felt that the President delivered a vision statement. I agree that the promises need to be renewed but that renewal shall now come with strategic direction. I was expecting elaborations on the current economic situation of the country and specific strategies to address it. Elaborations on the 'how' of tackling the drug situation, health care, education and the rest of the five pledges would have been included. What actions would the President put immediately to overcome the challenges he faced and so forth.

Does this mean that the strategic communication unit of the President was up to par? Did the president do his own speech? Or did he miss to deliver part of the Address? Wasn't it analyzed critically before delivery? Who gave the technical inputs to the Address? These are some questions among many that people may have in their minds.

Ironically, the Maldivian media also did not give a good analysis of the speech. Not surprisingly they only knew to repeat what the President said on their headlines. Rich critical analysis of such Addresses shall now be presented by the media for the benefit of the public.

[*This analysis was presented by Ahmed Afaal, for the readers of this blog. He has his own blog (No politics) at http://afaal.blogspot.com/. As always I welcome contributions from the readers of this blog, which I will publish for the benefit of other readers and to keep this blog rich in content.]

Majlis Sets Dangerous Precedent

Majlis discussions yesterday on the structure of the new government have raised important Constitutional issues related to transition from one government to the other. These relate to re-structuring of government ministries and Majlis approval for cabinet ministers. How these issues are decided now could set precedents that would have future repercussions. Here are some of the issues:

1. Structure of the Government: With each change of government is it possible or desirable to redesign the entire structure of the government including arrangements for providing 1000s of services? Will there be sufficient time to do this effectively? In the US, which has a presidential system, the government structure is essentially fixed and supervised by a 15-member cabinet. In India, a parliamentary democracy, it is true that the cabinet does not have a fixed number and ministries have varying structures. But the civil service structure is essentially fixed. So with a change of government an entire department may move from one ministry to another, but no re-structuring is done within the department. This makes transition a simple matter of changing the boss.
   


2. Majlis approval for cabinet: In parliamentary democracies like India, a newly appointed cabinet must demonstrate it has the confidence of the Parliament. (In cases where the ruling party has a large majority an actual vote is not taken and it is assumed the government has the confidence of the Parliament.) In approving President Nasheed's cabinet in a 'block vote' collectively, People's Majlis acted in line with the practice in parliamentary democracies. This could set the precedent of seeking Majlis approval for cabinet (as opposed to individual members.)
   


3. Majlis approval for individual ministers: In presidential systems such as in the US approval is obtained for individual cabinet members. Since Maldivians have voted for a presidential system in the referendum of August 2007, it is assumed that the Constitution stipulates a similar procedure for approval of cabinet ministers. However, the decision taken by the Majlis yesterday does not appear to be in line with this procedure.
   

Comments: Collective approval of the cabinet could be a dangerous precedent to set. Under the current Constitution it is possible to elect a President whose party does not have a majority in the Majlis. In such a case an opposition party (or parties) could create a deadlock by voting down the cabinet along party lines. In contrast to this when approval is sought for individual members of the cabinet as in the US, decisions are taken regarding the qualification of the person in question. If he is rejected a new candidate is nominated, and this process could go on (as we often see on TV) till a suitable candidate is found; so the system works without crisis. Perhaps this procedure is more suitable for the presidential system we adopted for the Maldives.

Maumoon’s Legacy

"Mohammed Nasheed, known locally as Anni, defeated the dictator Maumoon Abdul Gayoom to become the Islands' first democratically elected president for 30 years." (Sunday Island, Colombo, November 2, 2008). Does this opening sentence from a newspaper article on the Maldives presidential election sum up how outsiders see President Gayoom's 30-year legacy?

Was this really Maldives' first democratic election? Surprisingly, President Gayoom's own pronouncements indicate that he himself believed there was no democracy in the Maldives till this election. For example, when an Al Jazeera journalist asked him last month why it took him so long to introduce democracy he replied, "… you must...er...recognize the fact that at that time we were a very poor under developed country. We didn't have even food for our people. And we didn't have any sort of education. And our health were...services were very very low indeed. So people were not ready for any modern form of democracy. I have been able to achieve great progress both socially and economically during the past thirty years. So now we are ready, we are ready for democratic reform so that's why four years ago I introduced this new agenda of reform."

So in Gayoom's words Maldivians were not ready for democracy before 2004. But were they ready for lack of democracy? Was Naifaru Dhohokko ready for being arrested for simply wishing he wanted to see another day? Was Gogo Latheef ready to be jailed for criticizing the government in the Majlis? Were Mohamed Saeed Moosa Wajdee and Ahmed Fayaz Hassan ready for being sentenced for writing critical articles?

During Gayoom's tenure, the Maldives developed into a premier tourist destination. Per-capita GDP rose from less than $300 to over $4000 dollars. The question is, how successful was the government in bringing the benefits of economic development to the common man?

When Gayoom came to power there were 4 government schools in Male. In the islands only one Atoll Education Center was in operation and another was under construction. When he leaves office, there are more than 300 schools. However there are concerns about lack of quality and discipline.

When Gayoom took office in 1978, Maldives was one of the most law abiding and crime free countries in the world. He leaves a society in which drugs and crime are rampant.

Finally how effective and efficient is the government administration that Gayoom nurtured for 30 years and handed over to Nasheed?

Getting the Priorities Right

By Farooq Mohamed Hassan*

Tomorrow Mr. Mohamed Nasheed will take oath as the 4^th President of Maldives. Needless to say that he is taking over the stewardship of our government at a time when the world is facing a series of unprecedented challenges, ranging from a financial crisis, food safety, energy security, poverty and climate change to environmental deterioration – challenges that are directly related to our very survival, development and security. Mr. Nasheed's stewardship will certainly be judged by his ability to maneuver his government through the troubled waters.

And more specifically, we have a huge budget deficit to deal with. Then, there is the tsunami affected population, the non-performing public companies, including STELCO which has run into huge debts. Then there are the on-going projects and the numerous other projects that are in pipeline, whose loan and contract agreements have already been signed and ready to be implemented. All these issues and challenges are over and above the promises made by the MDP-Iththihaadhu during the election campaign. And of course, we should not forget the prevailing high expectations of the population, and the presence of a responsible opposition to hold Nasheed's government accountable.

There are also the external factors that necessitate prioritization of issues. The on-going global financial crisis and the unpredictability of the oil market being the most worrisome. Therefore, getting the priorities right should be the new government's first and foremost priority. Others, though not in order of priority are;

• 
  
  Respect human rights. This is important because of the on-going discussions with respect to the reforming of the international institutions, including their rules and mechanisms of governance, which are placing a much higher emphasis on making the principles related to human rights as the basis of international relations.
  


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  Maintain peace and security. Maintenance of peace and security is essential to ensure the smooth functioning of the government in the difficult times ahead. Our disadvantages in terms of lack of skilled labor and developed legal systems, high costs of energy, transportation, water and sanitation, etc., will have to be offset by maintaining peace and security.
  
  
  

  
  



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  Promote and strengthen democratic governance. According to the UNDP's Human Development Report 2002, countries that have good governance systems that are fully accountable to all people, and in which people can participate in debates and decisions that shape their lives, are more successful in promoting human development for all. According to this report, democracy not only helps to protect people from economic and political disasters, but also contribute to political stability. The report also states that democratic governance that includes tolerance for political opposition and smooth transition of power initiates a continuous cycle of development, because of the fact that political freedom empowers people to press for policies that expand social and economic opportunities.
  
  
  

  
  



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  Maintain economic stability. This is important to attract foreign direct investment to the country. Government planners and economists across the world agree that at a time when the world is going through financial tsunami, maintaining economic stability is the key to avert a down spiral of a country's economy. The vulnerability of our economy lies in our narrow economic base - tourism and fishing, which are heavily dependent on the economic performance of foreign countries. It is important therefore, that the government makes a strong resolve to take a responsible attitude and work together to maintain our economic stability. Any significant drop in anticipated or projected income will severely restrict the government's ability to deliver its promises.
  
  
  

  
  



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  Maintain good governance as defined by budgetary discipline.
  
  
  

  By good governance I mean better budgetary discipline at national level, and more realistic forecasting and more reliable statistics. Since fiscal and monetary policies are interdependent, government needs to formulate clear, transparent and consistent monetary policy to know how to conduct fiscal policy. Here, national institutions could play an important role in budgetary surveillance through increased attention to the development of public finances in public opinion. It is also necessary to have rules for fiscal policy that limit deficits and debt, and to follow these rules in a credible manner.
  

  
  

  
  



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  Strengthen the office of the Auditor General and the Anti-Corruption Commission. International best practices teach us that transparency and goals help form expectations and behavior, and in enlisting the public in the struggle for macroeconomic soundness. As evident in the recently released audit reports of the various government offices and public companies, the Auditor General's office and the Anti-Corruption Commission could act as advisory bodies and watch-dogs over government offices and public companies. They could also create a continuous national dialogue with warnings and recommendations to politicians - a measure that would boost transparency, and put long-term fiscal goals at the heart of the debate, and thereby improve fiscal soundness.
  

As mentioned in the beginning, Mohamed Nasheed's government is inheriting a financial mess created by the out-going government. Mr. Nasheed is also taking charge of the government in the midst of the worst financial crises after the Great Depression of the '30's. Therefore, for this and other reasons discussed above, it is important that the new government keep a short list of priorities to ensure the smooth functioning of our economy and that the election promises are delivered. Finally, I would like to once again emphasize that, in this crucial moment, a solution to the economic and other challenges confronting the new government can only be achieved by getting the priorities right, and by working with strong confidence, concerted efforts and shared responsibility.

Note: I will be leaving Xiamen, PRC, tomorrow to continue the rest of my course work in Beijing. Dr. Waheed , thank you very much for being so kind and generous to post my writings on your personal blog, I also like to say a very warm 'thank you' to all those who read this blog, and especially to those who by means of their valuable comments enriched my knowledge and broadened my understanding. Cheers!

[*Faarooq Mohamed Hassan is a former shadow cabinet member of MDP and is also the Deputy Director General of the Environment Research Center.]

Learning from History

By Farooq Mohamed Hassan

They say history repeats itself. I hope it doesn't. Even as I write this short article, I know people are queuing up to take Maumoon to court. More than 30 years ago, the then President Ibrahim Nasir had to banish Maumoon for using religion to incite violence against the state, and of course his government.

What has transpired in the past 10 days or so following the presidential election results of October 2008 may seem trivial, but portentous in reality. First, the attempt to delay the announcement of the election results, then a court order for the President-elect to appear in court, followed by a wave of promotions, contract signings, handshakes, and oh yes! – the Bill Ms. Aneesa submitted to the Majlis. This carefully orchestrated melodrama showcased Maumoon's true egocentric character more than anything else. I for one, thought that as soon as the election dust settles, Maumoon's babbling would fade away and his erratic behavior would also grind to a halt. But they didn't.

Surprised? No. What else can one expect from a man who for the past 30 years led a government in which the rhetoric and stagecraft of planning often took the place of real planning, other than acting like the stereotypical old-fashioned godfather that he once used to be, and continue to play his old pranks, repeating his fork-tongued pledges, giving promotions to his cronies and signing huge and lucrative contracts that he would never be able to implement?

But mind you, all this is not going to be without a price. Aware and mindful of the growing public resentment over Maumoon's arrogance in the face of defeat, MDP leadership appeared to have finally decided that it cannot shy away from its responsibility and simply sit and do nothing. Last Friday night, MDP's Chairperson, Ms. Maria Ahmed Didi 'fired' what appeared to be the first 'warning shot' over Maumoon's head. It was a reminder that his every move is being watched carefully. Speaking to the huge audience gathered at the artificial beach area to mark the MDP-Iththihaadhu's election victory, Ms. Maria was sharp and blunt. She delivered a strong and powerful message to the out-going president. She warned Maumoon not to take advantage of the goodwill and patience of the victors. She also warned him that the victors are fully aware of the motives behind his irresponsible and unjustifiable behavior and actions, and that the victors are not unmindful of those actions.

Observing these events from Xiamen, PRC, it appears to me that Maumoon is pathetically out of touch with reality. How else can you explain his irrational behavior?

I just wonder would it not be better for Maumoon to devise a sound and effective exit strategy: stop displaying his disdain and arrogance towards the victors, show a bit of good-will, and cooperate more fully with the incoming government. Unfortunately, in spite of the olive branch Mr. Nasheed has extended to Maumoon, he seems reluctant to take it. Former President Ibrahim Nasir offered him several such olive branches before he took action against Maumoon. Maumoon seems not to have learned any lesson. Unlike president Nasir and president Maumoon, president Nasheed would have no control or influence over the affairs of the judiciary and the Majlis. And so, Maumoon must understand that what is at stake for him this time around is indeed much higher.

Finally, whatever Maumoon or his sympathizers may think of what appears in the print media, one thing is certain: History will be harsh in its judgments of Maumoon and his administration. What Maumoon and his supporters should concern themselves about is not so much to find out whether history repeats itself but to learn from history before it is too late.

"Those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it." –George Santayana

[Faarooq Mohamed Hassan is a former shadow cabinet member of MDP and is also the Deputy Director General of the Environment Research Center.]

Anti-Corruption Commission Signals Activation

Chairman of the Anti-Corruption Commission Ali Rasheed Umar has signaled the activation of his Commission by indicating to the media that he will soon start investigating cases of suspected corruption identified by the Auditor General. He has told the local media that he intends to meet the Auditor General this week to discuss investigation of cases identified in the audit reports.

The Anti-Corruption Commission is one of the 7 independent institutions formed under the Constitution to ensure smooth functioning of democracy. Unlike the old Anti-Corruption Board (ACB), the new Commission has a broader mandate of preventing corruption proactively. Thus Article 202 (c) of the Constitution requires the Commission “to carry out research on the prevention of corruption and to submit recommendations for improvement to relevant authorities regarding actions to be taken;” while Clause (d) of the same Article requires it to “promote the values of honesty and integrity in the operations of the State, and to promote public awareness of the dangers of corruption.”

The Commission’s broader mandate implies that it cannot limit itself to reactively investigating cases reported to it. It will have to develop and implement a research based program to root out corruption. It will also be answerable for achieving that objective, unlike the old ACB, which was not answerable for anything. The Anti-Corruption Board was a totally discredited body, better known for harassing island katheebs who did not toe the line rather than any meaningful effort to stop corruption in high places.

During the Majlis debate on the Law on Anti-Corruption Commission in September, Members criticized the worsening corruption situation in the public sector. They expressed dismay about the lack of political will and intention on the part of the government to fight corruption. They pointed out that the government had swept several large scale corruption cases under the carpet.

The ineffectiveness of the ACB had made the Maldives one of the most corrupt countries on earth. The Corruption Perceptions Index 2008 compiled by Transparency International (TI) placed Maldives at the 115th place among 180 countries, 31 places below its 84th position last year.

The TI report came as no surprise to ordinary Maldivians for whom it is a fact of life to see multistory buildings burgeoning around them –buildings belonging to government officials in strategic positions and senior executives of state owned companies. Such ostentation of wealth beyond all legitimate sources of income is glaringly visible to everyone except those responsible to stop it. While company after company from FPID to MNSL, and Air Maldives to Stelco and STO had been embroiled in scandal after scandal, no senior official of any of these companies had ever been held accountable. On the contrary they continued to get promotion after promotion ending in ministerial or diplomatic posts.

Perhaps the Anti Corruption Commission will fare a little better, being part of an unprecedented wave of democratic reforms. A new Constitution was ratified on 7 August paving the way for multi-party elections. A Supreme Court, an Election Commission, and a Judicial Service Commission have been established. Further a new government is coming to power with the promise of weeding out corruption.

Will Maumoon Resign from DRP Leadership?

"The keenest sorrow is to recognize ourselves as the sole cause of all our adversities." – Sophocles (496 BC - 406 BC)

It is customary for party leaders to resign when they lose national elections. But when questioned about possible resignation in the aftermath of his debacle in the Presidential Election, Maumoon surprised the reporter by replying he would continue as DRP leader if party members want him to continue. This reply means he has no intention whatsoever of resigning. But an answered question remains. Will he hold a referendum among party members to seek their opinion whether he should continue? Or will he simply assume he has their support and continue as party leader, pretending nothing has happened, till the next party election?

If a referendum or a fresh election is held for party leadership, it will give members a chance to decide their future direction. DRP includes many potential young leaders who could revitalize the party into a credible opposition and prepare for the forthcoming Majlis elections. "Ability is of little account without opportunity." – Napoleon Bonaparte

Maumoon justified his bid for a 7^th term saying he wanted to continue his unfinished 'Reform Agenda'. He will soon have to think of a fresh justification for continuing as DRP leader. The old justification –unfinished agenda – did not work last time. It may not work next time either.

President Gayoom has had the opportunity to serve the Maldives for three decades. Perhaps it would occur to him one day that nobody is indispensable.

A Home for Ibrahim Nasir?

The person disparagingly referred to as 'Velaanaagey Ibrahim Nasir' no longer owns Velaanaage. In fact, former President Ibrahim Nasir no longer owns any house in the Maldives, which he freed from British Colonialism in 1965. However, if a bill recently presented by Meemu Atoll Member Aneesa Ahmed to the Majlis is passed, Nasir is likely to get a house after 30 years of being homeless.

Nasir belongs to the dynastic house, 'Velaanaage', founded by his great grandfather Malingey Hassan Velaanaa Manikufaanu at the beginning of 20^th Century. Descendents of Velaanaage Dynasty include former Vice President Ibrahim Mohammed Didi, President Ibrahim Nasir, Prime Minister Ahmed Zaki and current Defense Minister Ismail Shafeeu.

Velaanaage was legally expropriated in the 1990s and was demolished. Today a 15-story office complex is coming up in the plot of land, which happens to be in a prime location of Male.

With the passage of the bill Nasir will also get security befitting an ex-president after living in exile for 30 years. Nasir left the Maldives soon after relinquishing power in 1978 because he felt it was not safe to live in the country. His fears appear justified when one recalls what happened to his sons Mohamed Nasir and Ali Nasir and how his cabinet ministers were abused and paraded along the streets of Male. Earlier a former president Mohamed Ameen was lynched by an angry mob in 1953 (see photo above).

The bill currently in the Majlis is expected to close a sordid chapter in the history of Maldives. After that the door will be open for Nasir to return to the Maldives and live in safety. However, given his advanced age and ailing health it is uncertain how long he will be able to enjoy the opportunity.

But one thing is certain. No Maldivian living today would want to see an ex-president suffering for 30 years the way Nasir suffered his years in exile.

Can the new President Appoint Fresh Members to Majlis?

Questions are arising regarding the appointment of President's Members to the People's Majlis. For example, should appointed members continue in the transitional Majlis? Can the members appointed by the outgoing President be replaced by the incoming President?

On the first question, some are of the opinion that appointed members must not have a place in the Majlis anymore. The opposite view is that the Constitution requires the existing Majlis to continue till elections could be held under the new Constitution. According to this view, continuation of the current Majlis implies continuation of its existing structure –which includes appointed members. Article 294 (a) of the Constitution reads:

"The People's Majlis in existence at the commencement of this Constitution shall continue until such time as the first elections of the People's Majlis under this Constitution are held, and election of members and assumption of office by the members."

Now we come to the next question. Can members appointed by Gayoom be replaced by Anni? Those who argue against it say that the same members sitting now will have to continue unchanged. However, there is a counter argument against that. When an elected
seat falls vacant there is a provision to fill the vacancy. So it is quite certain that the Constitution does not preclude replacing current members. Here is the relevant article of the Constitution:

Article 294 (c): "Whenever there is a vacancy among the members of the People's Majlis, and there is a period of six months between the date of the vacancy and the first sitting of the first elected People's Majlis, an election shall be held to elect a member to the vacancy."

Will Gayoom get Immunity from Prosecution?

We have seen a former head of state, Mohamed Fareed, and a former head of government, Ibrahim Faamuladeyri Kilegefaanu, living in Male with respect and dignity during the 1960s. They could do so because their successor Ibrahim Nasir gave them the chance. But what did Nasir get in return for this good gesture? He was hounded out of Maldives. Perhaps those who did it then would now be wishing they hadn't. Today there is another change of guard at the Presidential Palace. Will history repeat itself?

Hopefully the new generation of Maldivians would prove to be more civilized in this respect. Already there are good signs. President Elect Mohamed Nasheed has said outgoing President Gayoom would be given facilities befitting an ex-president.

However an important question remains unanswered. What would happen to all cases of alleged corruption and abuse of power by Gayoom and his close associates? Would President Nasheed given an amnesty to Gayoom? There are doubts if the Constitution of Maldives empowers the President to do that. Article 115 (s) of the Constitution only gives him the power "to grant pardons or reductions of sentence as provided by law, to persons convicted of a criminal offence who have no further right of appeal." So, unless Gayoom is convicted it would appear that President Nasheed will not be able pardon him.

Under the Constitution, the responsibility to prosecute criminal activity is vested in the Prosecutor General. Article 115 (f) gives him the responsibility "to order any investigation that he deems desirable into complaints of criminal activity or into any other criminal activity of which he becomes aware." Clause (h) allows him "to review or revert any decision to prosecute or not to prosecute any alleged offender, or to discontinue any prosecution."

Thus it would appear that it is not the President, but the Prosecutor General who could take a decision on the matter. But can any of them stop an aggrieved citizen from taking Gayoom to court?

Inheriting a White Elephant?

Farooq Mohamed Hassan*

The out-going President, Al-ustaaz Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, will soon be a 'chapter closed' in our country's long and often times turbulent history. His 30-year rule will be written and re-written for years to come. His 'legacy' – as he loves to call it – will be studied and researched by scholars for generations to come. They will be recorded and preserved in various formats. And most certainly, some of his memorabilia – symbols of extravagance – will find its way to the new national museum which is now being built by the Chinese Government. After all, where else can such subjects of notoriety be displayed as objects of beauty? On a happier note, many of these collections will surely attract more tourists to the capital – Male'. Unfortunately, some like the priceless yacht may go under the hammer.

This reminds me of my visit to Manila/ Philippines to attend the Fourth Global Forum of the Water Supply and Sanitation Collaborative Council in 1997. One of the places we were taken to was the Malacanang Museum which gave us a glimpse of the excesses of the ousted former president and strongman of Philippines – Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralín Marcos and his family.

Why I have mentioned Marcos is because of the stark similarities that exist between these two dictators. First, they were elected Presidents; Marcos in 1966 and Maumoon in 1978. Second, their respective governments were marred by despotism, nepotism, political repression, human rights violations and massive authoritative government corruption. Third, while Marcos was removed from power by the 'People Power Revolution', Maumoon was removed from power by the MDP led coalition, in a public referendum in which Maumoon contested against the will of the majority, and also against the spirit of the new constitution, which Maumoon himself ratified. Marcos ruled Philippines for 20 years while Maumoon ruled Maldives for 30 years.

Oh yes! Coming back to my topic – inheriting the white elephant, will most certainly raise a few eyebrows among some of the radical DRP sympathizers. And why not? But let's continue.

A literature review of the term 'White Elephant' shows that it is derived from Thailand, where an Albino (white) elephant was given to unfavoured people by the ruler. Because these elephants were sacred and not permitted to work, it was a burden to the owner as it would eat up the owner's entire money until he/she became destitute. Keeping a white elephant therefore, was a very expensive undertaking, since the owner had to provide the elephant with special food and provide access for people who wanted to worship it. It is said that if a Thai King became dissatisfied with a subordinate, he would give him a white elephant. The gift would, in most cases, ruin the recipient. Today, the term 'white elephant' is commonly used in the context of 'a burdensome possession - creating more trouble than it is worth', or 'a possession that is unwanted by its owner', or 'a valuable possession whose upkeep is excessively expensive', or 'a useless and troublesome possession that one cannot easily get rid of'. The usage is infinite.

Now, here's the catch. Following the October 28 election, the winners gave a sigh of relief, hoping that they had got rid of a dictator, who not only cost the public a fortune to maintain, but also ruined the economy of our country. And so, many hoped that in the light of the recently released reports by the Auditor General, not to name the FPID, MSL, ATC and Air Maldives scandals, at least some justice will be done. Therefore, it comes as no surprise to me that so many raised their eyebrows when the President-elect, Mohamed Nasheed (Anni) proposed to give the out-going President, a reasonable pension and protection. Anni repeated this same request when he met with the Speaker of the Majlis, Honorable Mohamed Shihab.

I am sure no person with a sound mind will deny the merits of reconciliation over retribution. And so, when Anni asked the Speaker of the Majlis to do the needful to introduce a Bill to that effect as soon as possible, I, for one, was quite happy that the speaker answered in the affirmative. However, then came the biggest surprise of all. Within days, Maumoon himself, through his Minister, Aneesa, hurried to submit such a Bill. And what does this bill contain? No one yet knows for sure. However, according to one local newspaper, the Bill Aneesa has submitted to the Majlis, if passed, will require giving Maumoon the same salary as that of the President of the country, which is MRf 75,000.00 a month, a 'reasonable' house to live, an office with minimum staff and funds for research. How much will all this cost to the public?

Unfortunately, only the outcome of the Bill introduced by Maumoon through his Minister, Aneesa, will determine how much of a liability than an asset the Maldivian 'white elephant' would be to the public. And let's hope Anni, like the Thai king, is not giving the very public that elected him to his Office, a 'white elephant'.

[^*Faarooq Mohamed Hassan is a former shadow cabinet member of MDP and is also the Deputy Director General of the Environment Research Center.]

Innovation as a Catalyst for Change

By Farooq Mohamed Hassan*

Like in successful businesses, political processes and reform movements also require innovation to be successful. When I say innovation, I mean more than just developing new ideas; for instance, the ability to recognize changes as a catalyst to anticipate and improve the ways in which the process or the movement needs to evolve in order to succeed in a changing environment. The political reform movement led by the former Chairperson of the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), Mohamed Nasheed (Anni) succeeded because of this element of innovation in their campaign.

Stepping back a bit further, the end of the cold war and the resulting changes in geopolitical interests of the United States and its allies, resulted in dictators falling out of favor with the freedom loving nations of the world. As a result, Dictators became an endangered species – with no place to hide, and no one to protect them.

Anni saw this as an opportunity and a challenge. Initially as a writer, and later as a political activist, Anni demonstrated his skills and his ability to recognize innovation as catalyst for change in the rapidly changing environment, both abroad and at home.

The struggle for democracy and fundamental rights led by Anni in Maldives was an uphill battle. It was a battle that was fought in two fronts; internationally and locally. The reform movement which began in early 1990's, was met with fierce resistance from the dictator. Anni and many of his supporters were jailed, tried and banished. They were accused, abused and at times, tortured. Some of them have long left us. They were the ones that were not so fortunate to live to taste the sweetness of their noble struggle. However, they will be fondly remembered for generations to come. And they will be honored for the sacrifices they have made for the freedom of generations to come.

In the entire history of this struggle for democracy, freedom and fundamental rights, the past four to five years have been the most turbulent. It began with the brutal killing of Evan Naseem who was serving his prison term in Maafushi jail, and it has culminated in the overthrowing of the dictator - Maumoon and his regime from power, in the first ever multi-party election held in the country's entire history, on October 28, 2008.

Many just wonder as to how the Maldivians succeeded in overthrowing a dictator who has been in power for thirty long years, in such a short time. Yes! How did we do this? I would say, by being innovative. First, as Anni used to say, the word 'Golhaa Boa' was a scientific innovation to cut dictator Maumoon to size. Second, by empowering the people. This was also achieved by being innovative – by encouraging the people to 'get rid of their fear' of being punished by the regime, by 'each getting strength from the other' – in other words, through 'collective strength'. And third, by taking on to the street – to make the voice of dissent be heard and respected.

With pressure from the reform movement, the stagnant Special Majlis began more active, with Mr. Gasim Ibrahim elected to the Chair. With the new constitution passed and ratified, with independent commissions set up, the Dictators control over the affairs of the state began to crumble. In a primary held to decide MDP's presidential candidate, Anni emerged as the victor. This was followed by several so called 'heavy weights' resigning the party. For many party activists, it seemed all was lost. Mr. Zaki stepped in and salvaged the Party as he did following the crisis MDP fell into following the November 10 incidence of 2006. The rest is history.

No sooner had Anni submitted his candidacy for the presidency, he was accused of lacking leadership quality, both from outside and within the party supporters. Once again it was Anni's ability to innovate for change that united the opposition against the Dictator. And as events unfolded, it proved that there was none better than Anni to lead the reform movement.

Many of you would recall that when on Siyaasath Program, Maumoon was asked whether he saw lack of credible leaders in the country as his failure, he denied it out right. Leaving Maumoon's denial for the readers to judge, the undeniable truth is that, a shortage of capable and credible leaders of change persists because change has never been easy. According to Niccolo Machiavelli, the most difficult to carryout, the most doubtful of success, and the most dangerous to handle, is to initiate a new order of things. This is because the reform has enemies in all those who profit from the old order and only lukewarm defenders by all those who could profit by the new order. According to Machiavelli, this lukewarmness arises from the incredulity of mankind who do not truly believe in anything new until they have had actual experience with it.

Indeed! How very true. More than 500 years ago, Machiavelli, has very accurately described one of the innate natures of mankind. In retrospect, the truth of this statement is quite vivid in the changing political scenarios in our country. Today, when success seems not only within reach, but has actually been achieved, even those so called 'heavy weights', who left MDP after blaming its leadership, or were reluctant to work with Anni , are slowly coming back and joining the party. Whatever their reasons for joining MDP may be, the speed with which the changes are taking place now in Maldives, in particular, during the last few days, has underscored the essential role innovation has played in driving the very successful, yet, peaceful and historic change in Maldives.

[*Faarooq Mohamed Hassan is a former shadow cabinet member of MDP and is also the Deputy Director General of the Environment Research Center.]