Need for Research on National Day

While the Maldives celebrates its National Day in relation to the legendary exploits of Mohammed Thakurufaanu against Andhiri Andhirin, we know next to nothing about the history of the period. Most of what is taken today as history really comes from an oral tradition handed down from generation to generation and last narrated by Burara Mohammed Fulhu in the mid 20^th Century. Even a cursory glance will confirm that most of the story is simply fantasy –splitting islands and breaking masts with magic spells.

Historically the first scholar who attempted to glean some facts from the myth was Hussein Salahuddin (1881 – 1947). His attempt, though commendable, was incomplete because he did not reconcile the story with existing historical records. This leaves several fertile areas for research.

The history of celebrating the National Day is relatively short. Amir Mohamed Amin, the ruler of Maldives, instituted the National Day against a background of a wave of nationalism that was sweeping across South Asia in the post World War II period, which culminated in the independence of India, Pakistan and Ceylon. Maldives also negotiated a new agreement in 1948 with Britain, the colonial power. The agreement, which gave internal autonomy to Maldives, was trumpeted at the time as independence. As part of the celebrations, the title of Dhorhimeyna was conferred on Amin. During the build-up to this 'independence' national symbols were created, including the national anthem, national emblem and …the National Day.

After 1965, when the Maldives gained independence, National Day celebrations were abandoned in favor of the Independence Day. National Day was later resurrected by Maumoon Abdul Gayoom in 1979 as part of his personal vendetta against President Ibrahim Nasir, which included reversing everything done by the latter.

Up to 1948, when Amin created the appropriate mythology and meta-narrative for the National Day, the Portuguese were not specifically identified in any historical record as the enemy whom Mohammed Thakurufaanu fought. Hassan Thajuddin's Thareekh simply labels the enemy as 'infidels.' Since Thajuddin had specifically referred to the Portuguese (Furhethikaalun) in connection with another event, it is surprising that he did not use the word Portuguese to refer to Thakurufaanu's enemies. Interestingly, no record exists in Portuguese archives regarding the supposed Portuguese rule of the Maldives. This is even more surprising because the archives chronicle Portuguese colonial exploits in meticulous detail, including accounts of the voyages of individual ships along with their ports of call and manifests.

There are many other mysteries and questions that need answers:

• Why did Mohammed Thakurufaanu and his successors, Ibrahim Kalaafaanu and Hussein Faamuladheyri Kilegefaanu, continue to use their non-royal titles (Thakurufaanu, Kalaafaanu, Faamuladheyri, which are considered below the dignity of a king) after assuming power? No coronated King of Maldives had ever done that.
  
• In 1827, Ali Raja, Mariambe Ali-Adi Raja Bibi, of Cannanore wrote a letter to the Sultan Mohamed Mueenuddine I of the Maldives, claiming sovereignty over the Maldives based on an agreement between Thakurufaanu and the Ali Raja of Cannanore in the event Thakurufan was established in power in Male. (Refer page 294 of Divehi Tarikh). A reply was sent from Malè explaining that Thakurufan had no legal authority to enter into such a treaty with Ali Raja. Interestingly, Burara Mohammed's story also refers to such an agreement and goes on to say that after winning the war Thakurufaanu gave the Malabaris an inhospitable island Kattalafushi, in return for their help in the war. What really happened?
  

Electoral Hair Splitting

Maldivians appear to have a very short memory, at least when it comes to political matters. No one appears to remember what used to happen to ballot boxes on their perilous journey from distant islands, via atoll capitals, to Male. Double tapes, straightened paper clips, medical forceps and other paraphernalia used to fish out and replace negative votes in Presidential referendums appear to belong to a past as distant as the Paleolithic age.

Just one fair election was enough to erase our collective memory. We have conveniently forgotten that the success of that election was largely due to the decision to count the votes at the place of balloting. And today, the Majlis is debating a bill that could reverse that decision –the bill to amend Article 20 (A) of the Parliamentary Elections Act.

Ostensibly to protect the secrecy of the votes of isolated voters in islands other than their home, the amendment proposes to give the Elections Commission (EC) sweeping powers to take steps to ensure voting secrecy in the upcoming parliamentary elections. Many members of the Majlis oppose the amendment on the grounds that it could increase the possibility of voting irregularities.

The Constitution is ambivalent on the matter. Article 171 (B) of the constitution states “... Immediately after the close of the polls, the presiding officer who is appointed by the Elections Commission shall, in the presence of such candidates or their representatives if present, and any other persons authorized by law to be present, count at that polling station the ballot papers of that station, and record and publicly declare the votes cast in favor of each candidate or question in a public referendum.”

On the other hand Article 26 of the constitution says, “... every citizen of the Maldives eighteen years of age or older has the right: (a) to vote in elections, and in public referendums, which shall be held by secret ballot ...”

Points to be noted:
• What is more important, preventing electoral fraud or ensuring secrecy of a few a voters (who have the choice of going and voting in their constituencies to ensure secrecy)?
• Is it really possible to ensure secrecy in all possible hypothetic situations?
• When Article 171 specifically requires counting the votes in the polling stations, can a law change that?
• Does the phrase “...by secret ballot ...” imply that secrecy must be 100% ensured for each and every voter, or does the phrase merely refer to the choice of a voting method –secret ballot as opposed to open ballot?

Abdullah Nafiz of Meedhoo Passes Away

Abdullah Nafiz, a leading Meedhoo and Addu political figure during the 1950s and 60s, passed away on Monday morning at Male. Nafiz was 92 years of age and is survived by a wife, 3 sons and 6 daughters.

Born to an intellectual family of Meedhoo in 1916, Nafiz’s father was Dheshenaagey Ahmed Manik, son of Chief Justice Ibrahim Majduddeen. Nafiz entered public life at a very young age under the auspices of his elder brothers Mohammed Fenna Manikufaanu and Dheshenaagey Ibrahim Didi, and was in charge of the community businesses in Meedhoo.

Later, during the time of the breakaway republic, United Suvadive, Nafiz was elected to the Suvadive Parliament. [The historic photo above shows Nafiz (standing) speaking in the parliament. On his left are Mudim Thakhan from Hulhudu, Kalhaage Ali Manika from Hittadu and Gaduvaru Moosa Didi from Hittadu. This meeting was chaired by President Afif Didi. To the President's right are Kateeb Don Raha of Fedu, Eedhigalige Hussain Manikfan, Beyruge Afif and Mohammed Saeed of Hittadu.]

Intelligent, witty and flamboyant, Nafiz was perhaps the last of the traditional great leaders of Meedhoo. He provided visionary leadership to Meedhoo for 3 decades till his retirement as Island Chief of Meedhoo in the early 1980s.

A successful family man, Nafiz raised a family of educated sons and daughters who have made names for themselves in a wide variety of fields. They include Mohamed Farouk, well know author and former Deputy Minister of Atoll Administration and Abdul Rasheed, former Member of the Majlis. Nafiz was also father in law of Chief Justice Abdullah Saeed.

We pray to Almighty Allah to bestow on him the bliss of Paradise.

We Really Can’t Afford to Hike Salaries

Translated from Dhivehi article by Moosa Latheef

Before writing this column I asked an economic expert, “I was trying to guess what would be cut from my salary, but the government is increasing salaries. Won’t ordinary people think like me?”

He replied that most ordinary people won’t think that way. That’s because Maldivians have never been known to live within their means, and further the government has been hesitant to explain to the people the reality of the economic situation. Because of this, salaries have been increased even though it is not feasible. This has confused the public, he said.

It’s worth recalling that we are today in a very different economic scenario. As Salah Shihab, a tourism and agriculture entrepreneur and a high official in the government of former President Gayoom, has said, no one under 50 years of age would have experienced an economic crisis of this magnitude. This means nobody born after 1959 would have seen such a thing. In fact, the current crisis is perhaps graver than the great depression of the 1930s.

The reality of the current situation is that we can’t afford to increase government salaries by even one rufiyaa. According to economic experts, if salaries are increased it would increase money supply. Maldivian rufiyaa will be chasing the dollar, the expert said. Even now most people say the dollar sells for over Rf. 13.50 in the black market.

It is the practice abroad to go for a deficit budget in times of economic crisis. However, in the Maldives caution is necessary. One must also consider whether the increased salary will have any real benefit. When the dollar sells for a rate higher than the fixed exchange rate, it would increase the prices of goods. In view of this inflation, economic experts are not of the opinion that the increased salary will benefit the overall economy.

The need of the hour is for everybody to accept the reality –everybody including the government and its employees, the traders and their customers. However, even now certain employees like teachers are claiming that they have not got a fair increase in their salaries. They believe this because perhaps they are not aware of the situation. Thus the government must explain the economic status to everyone. Whatever the political challenges, the details of the economy must be revealed. Whether the employees agree or not the government is not in a situation to increase salaries. If such a decision has been taken it is not a wise decision.

This year I will not request my office to increase my salary by even one year. Instead, if I want to see my company survive I must see what could be reduced from my salary. And if I have the guts I must ask them to reduce that much. If one thinks this way, we should not be considering salary increase, but contemplating how we will get in the next one and half years, what we are getting today.

Even while shedding a tear, there is no other choice but to accept the situation. According to the expert who talked to me, it is unlikely that the government will accept this reality before the Majlis elections. But that is the reality.

The Public’s Mistrust in Healthcare

Trust is a fundamental element in interpersonal relationships and the importance of trust within healthcare cannot be stressed upon enough. Patients present themselves to healthcare providers at their most vulnerable time and must be able to trust both the institution and the individuals involved in their care. They must be able to trust that these individuals and organizations are competent and have their best interests at heart. At present this is far from true in this country. Most patients do not trust the institutions nor the individuals providing the care. They are weary and suspicious of any medical encounter. Numerous accounts of mismanagement, maltreatment and neglect by doctors are exchanged daily in the queues at IGMH or ADK. People would rather go abroad for the simplest ailment than get a consultation here at home.

Several factors have contributed to the buildup of this mistrust.

Firstly, as the face of healthcare, some doctors do not bother or are not trained in creating a healthy doctor-patient relationship that is crucial to the success of any treatment. Most Maldivian doctors are trained in South Asia, either in India, Nepal, Pakistan or Bangladesh, where a paternalistic approach to patient care is acceptable, practiced and used in training. The doctors know what is best and the patient should do whatever the doctors order, no questions asked. Procedures can be done on patients even without consent. There is no room for the patient to refuse treatment. On daily rounds it is common to see doctors scolding patients for not complying with treatment. The rights of the patient and proper ethical conduct are hardly an issue. Thus it is not surprising that such incidents are all too common in our hospitals where the doctors are either trained in or are from such countries. The possibility of trust in such an environment is impossible, especially when Maldivian patients in general ask more questions and are somewhat more aware of their rights (hence the popular belief among doctors that Maldivian patients are 'troublesome' and ʻdifficultʼ).

Secondly, healthcare institutions and individuals do not protect the patients' rights of confidentiality and treat their medical information as coffee-time gossip. It is all too common to hear doctors discussing personal details of their patients for their amusement, or lab technicians discussing a patient's paternity test. Healthcare professionals owe a duty not to disclose information against the patient's wishes as medical confidentiality is an important feature of the doctor-patient relationship.

Thirdly, healthcare institutions are all too keen to cover up medical mistakes and no framework exists to deal with such mistakes. Hardly any incident is thoroughly investigated and proper actions taken, and those wronged are not compensated. There are no professionals trained in legal medicine and those sitting on the ethics committee lack any training in the area.

Fourthly, there is no institution to regulate and standardize healthcare. The recruitment of expatriate doctors, who make up majority of doctors especially in the atolls, should be more stringent and registration at the Maldivian Medical Council should be followed by a licensing exam. Many are familiar with the account of a cook who used to work in one of the islands as a doctor for several years. There is a lack of standardized management protocols for common conditions, and adherence to those existing protocols is limited and not enforceable. There is no code of ethics or a code of professional conduct for doctors, which is a necessary tool for the regulation of the profession. Policy makers should consult healthcare professionals in making decisions that affect the health of the population in general. The recent changes to the appointment system at IGMH (which has fortunately been reversed), seriously violated a patient's basic right to choose his/her healthcare provider, and only intensified the public's mistrust.

In such a setting, where healthcare is not standardized or regulated, and where the healthcare providers are not bound by any obligations, legal, professional or otherwise, the public's mistrust towards healthcare is not surprising. It has increased the number of second opinions being sought and requests for referral abroad. Failure to comply with treatment is commonplace. It has also increased the number of people turning towards other sources of treatment.

Having said all this, I know of no doctor who wishes harm on his patient. Perhaps it is the combination of several factors rather than a single one that has led to this mistrust. Trust is a potentially powerful variable affecting healthcare decisions. And as such, both healthcare institutions and individuals should work to regain and reestablish this trust, by building a relationship in which the values and goals of both parties are clearer to each other, one of shared decision making, and one which promises to increase patient satisfaction and lead to greater understanding of treatment and illness.

[Contributed by Dr. Faisal Saeed]

Homosexual Child Abuse

Maldives is an extremely conservative and pious society where calls for prayer promptly fill mosques, where recitations of Quran resonate through the air in the inter-prayer interval, and where politicians can win elections simply by raising the bogey of 'Islam under threat.' In such an atmosphere it is simply unthinkable that sodomy and pederasty are possible. Surely, those things only happen in the decadent west. It was therefore with utmost shock that Male citizens listened to the news that a man living in their very midst has been running a pedophilia racket involving long term homosexual relations with at least 35 boys.

On 11 January Hussein Fazeel, 38, of Veyruge, Villingili, was arrested on the charge bootlegging. While searching his premises the police discovered an external hard-disk containing pornographic images and a video depicting a number of young boys in various acts of gay sex.

An interesting feature of the discovery was how Fazeel had designed his room with games and entertainment to lure children. He obviously knew from experience that he could entice children by providing entertainment they lacked at home.

Since Fazeel happens to be a bootlegger, some people are sure to pounce on this fact and label this as alcohol related. In this instance of course it is alcohol related. But what about the numerous other cases we keep hearing about? Anecdotal information suggests that the vast majority of child abuse cases involve relatives and family friends. Most other cases involve elderly men who gain access to children in the guise of teaching certain subjects.

Homosexuality and child abuse are glaring examples of the discordance between our self image and reality. What is the remedy?

Dhivehi and International Mother Language Day

On 21 February, the world will be celebrating the 10th International Mother Language Day. The Day is an especially promising opportunity to recall what is at stake for Dhivehi.

The threat:

Dhivehi is among the 350 odd languages in the world with over 100,000 native speakers. And like the vast majority of those languages, Dhivehi also faces significant threats to its survival. According to experts, some telltale signs of a language under threat include youngsters preferring to speak in other languages and mixing it with other languages. These two signs are clearly visible with regard to Dhivehi. To counter this however, Dhivehi has an important survival advantage: Its status as the official language of Maldives.

Disappearing from bookshelves and CD stores:

In the 90s it was common to see young office girls reading Binma Waheed and Nahla's stories. Not anymore. Dhivehi novels have all but disappeared from offices and even bookshops. The leading publisher in the Maldives, Novelty, no longer publishes Dhivehi novels because they are not profitable.

The story is similar with Dhivehi music. Nearly 90% of songs stocked by music shops are English and Hindi CDs. The classical Dhivehi songs of the 70s and 80s have all but disappeared except in the series of 'E-Handhaan' CDs produced by Voice of Maldives.

The disdain shown by the current generation of Maldivians to Dhivehi literature is also reflected in student attitudes towards teaching Dhivehi at school. For nearly all students their most hated subject is the compulsorily taught Dhivehi language.

Why Dhivehi matters:

So the question is should we allow Dhivehi die a slow a death? Definitely not. Dhivehi language is absolutely vital to the identity of Maldivians as a people and Maldives as a country, because it is the only feature we all share and which few others have. It is a strategic factor in our advances towards sustainable development and the harmonious coordination of our affairs.

Far from being a field reserved for writers, Dhivehi lies at the heart of all social, economic and cultural life. Dhivehi does matter to all of us. It matters when we want to promote cultural diversity, and fight illiteracy, and it matters for quality education, including teaching in the first years of schooling. It matters in the fight for greater social inclusion, for creativity, economic development and safeguarding indigenous knowledge.

What can be done to develop and preserve Dhivehi

Make Dhivehi more computer friendly:

• Develop a spell checker program. For this the National Center must first develop guidelines for breaking down sentences into distinct words.
  
• Develop more fonts for different uses, for example large sizes for use on bill boards; mobile phone fonts etc.
  

Make Dhivehi more student friendly:

• Eliminate advanced literary forms such as 'raivaru' from school syllabi and make the lessons more interesting.

Random Thoughts on Decentralized Administration Bill

The draft of a bill for decentralized administration in the Maldives has been compiled by well-known lawyer Husnu Suood and is now available for comments at www.local.gov.mv. As stated in the introductory articles the purpose of the proposed law is to facilitate people living in the islands to decide their affairs in a democratic and answerable way, and to enhance their quality of life socially, economically and culturally. While the bill is comprehensive, professional and sound, it may not be out of place to share one's opinion on it. So here are some random thoughts.

Chapter I: Dividing into provinces: Merging atolls into a few larger provinces is probably a good move, in view of the dwindling island population.

Chapter II: Atoll Councils: Some of the powers mentioned in article 9 are not actually powers, rather responsibilities or duties. For example, reporting and supporting. Yet others are actually services. For example, providing transport and maintaining food security.

Chapter III: Island Councils: Same comments as for Atoll councils.

Chapter IV: City Council: Same as for Atoll councils.

Chapter V: Provincial Minister: Article 64 requires the State Minister to be answerable to Majlis. However according to the Constitution, only a cabinet minister can do that. Article 65 says employees of government ministries are answerable to the provincial state minister. Thus such employees are answerable to two different ministers. Is this practical? Article 72 gives the Local Government Commission (a political body consisting of provincial ministers) the power to dissolve elected councils? How can one assure that this power is not misused against councils controlled by opposition parties?

Chapter X: Reporting: While councils implement activities delegated by central ministries, there is no provision in the bill for reporting back on those activities.

Reflections on Electoral Constituency Allocation

Some electoral constituencies are more equal than others. The Election Commission's interim report on delineating electoral constituencies shows that the sizes of individual constituencies vary widely from a low of 1079 population in Vaavu Keyodhoo to a high of 6065 population in Hulhudoo-Meedhoo. Thus a person in Keyodhoo has nearly 6 times more say in the Majlis election than a voter in Meedhoo.

Actually 2 atolls of the Maldives (Vaavu and Faafu) have less population than Hulhudoo-Meedhoo and two other atolls (Alifu Alifu and Meemu) have nearly equal populations. However, these 4 atolls will all be sending 2 members each to the Majlis, while Hulhudoo-Meedhoo will be sending just one member.

This discrepancy cannot be fully blamed on the Election Commission because it has to work within the limits set by the Constitution. The Constitution allots 2 members to each of what it calls 'administrative zones.' If the population of an administrative zone exceeds 5000, then one extra member is allotted for each additional 5000. It is this 2-tiering of constituencies and administrative zones that is partially responsible for the problem. However the relevant law does give the Election Commission some leeway in reducing discrepancies. In the case of Hulhudoo-Meedhoo the Commission has decided to make it a single constituency to "maintain social harmony."

Inter-constituency differences are not the only problem with the allocation of Majlis seats. The total of 77 members is also a cause for concern. It is about 50% more than the outgoing Majlis. Many citizens question whether such a high number of expensive members are needed for a population of just 300,000.

[Note: Meedhoo is one among the author's 3 home islands, the other 2 being Male and Kulhudhuffushi]

Will Regionalization Reverse the Trend of In-Migration?

The government's recently launched regionalization/decentralization initiative could very well be the very last chance to reorganize the atoll population.  You don't need to be a sorcerer to divine this. If the present demographic trends continue, soon there will be no atoll population left to reorganize.   Between 2000 and 2006 an estimated 22,452 people migrated from the islands to Male.  At this rate itself, another 50,000 would migrate by the year 2020. 

The above is actually the best case scenario.  In the worst case scenario, as island populations decrease below a certain critical level, there would be a mass exodus from the atolls. Past experience shows that the critical level could be about 250 inhabitants, at which point basic services become near impossible even with subsidization. Cases in point are Maavaidhoo and Faridhoo in Haa Dhaalu Atoll and Dhiyadhoo in Gaafu Alifu Atoll. Inhabitants of these islands have been desperately petitioning the government for relocation.

In Census 2000, there were only 17 islands with population below 250. But by 2006 there were 30 such islands, indicating the rapid decline in island population. These 30 will soon be on the queue for relocation. Even large islands are not immune from population decline. In 2000 there were 17 islands with population over 4000. However by 2006 the number of such high-population islands had declined to just 9.

Analysis of inter census population changes from 2000 to 2006 shows a clear trend of in-migration towards Male. As depicted in the bar chart above, the population of Male in 2000 (blue) was 74,069. Assuming a uniform rate of natural population growth of 1.7% per annum for the whole country, Male should have had a population of 81,951 (red) by 2006. But the actual Census figure of 2006 was 104,403 (green). This is an increase of 22,452 over the estimated figure. In contrast the atoll population was 196,032 in 2000 (blue). This figure should have increased to 216,891 by 2006 (red). But actually there was a decline to 194,439 (green). This figure falls short of the estimated figure by 22,452, which is a fairly good estimate of the in-migration towards Male.

Only time will be able to tell whether the new government's regionalization strategy will succeed in reversing the tide of in-migration. For now the race is too close to call.

Saying Goodbye to Dhaftharu

Contrary to what many people believe, Male Municipality Special Register was created not for migrants from the islands, but for original Male residents who did not have any house to register in Male (as explained below.) However, once established about 2 decades back, the register became a virtual magnet for atoll residents who wished to own houses in Male. The register expanded to several thousand when successive rounds of housing allocation gave preference to those on the register.

Maintaining the register appears to be against the spirit of the Constitution, which gives the right to all citizens to settle in any inhabited island of their choice. Some recent suggestions on abolishing Male’ Municipality Special Register and urging all registered in it to get themselves re-registered in their own native islands is most welcome. It will reduce the stigma of those from the atolls as second class citizens.

How did the ‘Dhaftharu’ originate? For this one has to go into the history of home and resident registration in Male. When registration was started in the 1950s, land value in Male was extremely low. As such house owners had no problem registering relatives who had been born in the house and lived there, even though they had no property claims. But when land value escalated in the 1980s this became a serious issue. When houses were divided the new owners of the sub plots refused to take on relatives who resided in the original house. The Dhaftharu was created to accommodate such people.

Abolishing the register would eliminate certain administrative issues. For example, currently the thousands who are in the register have no permanent address and are allowed to change their temporary address at will. This would make it difficult to maintain electoral registers of individual constituencies in Male. Theoretically there is the possibility that candidates could woo their supporters to come and register in their own constituencies.

However, there is one issue that will not be eliminated by abolishing the register. Under the new Constitution, only those registered in a particular constituency could vote in a Majlis election. How does one register in a constituency and more important, how does one change his/her constituency? This issue needs an urgent solution before the Municipality Special Register can finally be put to rest.

There is also a need to amend existing laws and regulations, such as the Land Act and Residency Act. With these laws amended, any citizen, male or female, would be able to obtain land and residency in any island he may choose to live.

Status of Thalassemia in the Maldives

Thalassemia, at present, is one of the most challenging hematological disorders. Patients with ßthalassemia major need regular blood transfusions in order to live and the resulting iron overload requires chelation therapy. The problems facing them and their parents are immense, challenging them physically, emotionally and socially.

In the Maldives thalassemia affects about 0.16% of the population, and is found throughout the country, with the highest rate found in Kaafu atoll, most likely because an address in Maleʼ is given at the time of registration at the National Thalassemia Center (NTC). Apart from Kaafu atoll, the highest rates are found in Noonu, HDh and Laamu atolls.

To date a total of 670 cases have been registered at NTC. The number of new cases registered has not declined over the last five years, with about 28 new cases on average being registered over the last 7 years. Last year saw an increase to 39 in fact.

Considering that the country has two centers dedicated to thalassemia (Society for Health Education and NTC), and the government spends roughly $5000 per year per child for the treatment of a child with thalassemia above 12 years, this current trend raises questions whether these centers are doing enough for the prevention of thalassemia.

The current preventive program focuses on discouraging the marriage of carriers to one another, thus increasing the number of carriers throughout the country. And in Maldives where the social circles are small, the chance of intermarriage of careers is high. And their career status will not be a deterrence to getting married or having children. They will continue to take the risk and hope for that 75% chance of having a normal baby.

The approach has not helped in reducing the number of new cases as most of the children with thalassemia are being born sadly, to those who know their career status at the time of marriage, and to those who already have a child with thalassemia. This is an important observation that needs to be addressed in the prevention program as just the mere knowledge of the risk has not prevented couples from having children.

The goal of the program should be to lessen the burden of thalassemia in at-risk families, accomplished not only by providing information about the risk but also providing options for dealing with it by helping at-risk couples obtain prenatal diagnosis and selective abortion, or by helping them to cope with the birth of an affected child.

The current management protocol too needs revision to include oral iron chelators in the treatment. At present only a select few are being provided oral iron chelators at NTC as the treatment requires regular monitoring for side effects. Recommendations have already been made to the Ministry of Health and Family, in view of the considerable improvement in the serum ferritin levels in patients on combination therapy, to start the treatment at the regional levels, but its implementation is yet to materialize.

Adherence to the current management needs to be enforced more rigidly as reports of mismanagement are quite common at the regional and island level. Most doctors employed at the island level are not well versed with the disease and have different opinions regarding when to transfuse, how much to transfuse and how to give chelation therapy.

And sadly the psychosocial impact of the disease is completely ignored in the management. Compliance levels are lowest at the adolescent age group and it is essential that they get the proper psychosocial support including a clear understanding of the disease. In a survey conducted amongst adolescents at NTC, 90% did not believe that they had complications despite not complying with treatment and having their serum ferritin levels well above the target range. The extent of complications has yet to be documented.

A total of 140 of those registered have died so far, and from 1997 to 2007 each year about 8 children have died at the average age of 8 years. This young average age at death should be a matter of concern in a country where all aspects of treatment are free of cost and where treatment is readily available. No other single disease enjoys this level of commitment from the government and the statistics should be in favor of this support.

As it is the status of thalassemia in Maldives is not encouraging and revisions need to be made in both the preventive and treatment aspects. Genetic screening should be accompanied by improved counseling. Efforts should be directed towards prenatal diagnosis programs. Combination therapy for iron chelation needs to be started across the country at regional levels and psychosocial support for both the affected child and family should be given. A comprehensive program encompassing public education, screening for carriers, genetic counseling and prenatal diagnosis has markedly reduced the incidence of B-thalassemia major in several countries such as Cyprus and replication of such a program in the Maldives is necessary to lessen the burden of this preventable disease.

[Article contributed by Dr. Faisal Saeed]

Teachers on the agitation trail once again

Accusing the government of neglect in finding a solution to their salary issue, teachers have threatened to agitate once again –this time for more than one day. Earlier in July 2008, teachers had agitated for one day, protesting against the government's failure to implement the 'new' salary scale for teachers.

A spokesman for the Teachers Association, which spearheaded last year's agitation, says this time the protest will be wider with more participation in the atolls. However, with the changed situation he could find support for agitation among teachers much below his expectations.

Much has changed since July. Recently the Civil Service Commission has announced a point system to classify jobs across the whole spectrum of Civil Service. Under the system, which will be implemented across the board, salaries will depend on the points scored by each job. There will be no place in the system for special salary scales for individual sectors or professions. Thus the 'new' salary scale that is the bone of contention for the agitation is actually as dead as a dodo.

Will the Civil Service Commission give a special package to the agitating teachers? Not likely. Giving special treatment to any particular group will open a Pandora's Box of agitation from all other sectors, resulting in the collapse of the Civil Service reform package. At best what the teachers could expect is a fair evaluation of the points their profession scores vis-à-vis other professions. Under these circumstances not many teachers are likely to join the protest.

Billabong High EPS International School

The opening of Billabong High EPS International School, the first such school in the island of Male, brings joy to parents, throwing flashbacks to the pioneering days of English education in the 1960s. Expectations are running high that the current initiative will give children a safe atmosphere to develop mentally and physically.

There is a high level of public dissatisfaction with the existing government-dominated school system. With 95% of students who join the system ending up as failures, the public's opinion appears justified. How did we arrive here?

Experts cite three contributory factors for the impasse:

1. Too rapid expansion: The government followed a policy of building schools to pamper voters, disregarding its own capacity to staff and manage them. Gaps in the supply of teachers were filled with temporary teachers –mostly school dropouts.
   
2. Suppressing private initiative: During the past 2 decades nearly all private and community schools were either nationalized or given 'government aid.' The so-called government aid acted like a 'kiss of death'. In return for getting a couple of free teachers, community and private schools were forced to adopt the government's ineffective strategies and inadequate fee structures. This was the policy that killed off the once-prestigious EPS and MES schools.
   
3. Law on Children: The ill-conceived and inappropriately implemented law on the rights of children prevented teachers from disciplining children. As a result school bullies took control of the classes and vitiated the learning atmosphere.
   

Parents hope all this will now become history. They hope the new school will be the beginning of a string of such high quality schools in the country, brining to an end the dangerous atmosphere in the country's schools.

The Billabong High EPS International School established at the former EPS School building, is a joint collaboration between Kangaroo Kids Education Ltd of India and EPS School. According to Principal Hassan Nashid some 600 students have been enrolled in the school, which will operate on a single session basis. The fee structure is very reasonable considering the high amounts parents dish out for private tuition. Preschool fee is US $ 150 per month while students between grade 1 to 9 pay between US $ 200 and US $ 300. The staff includes Canadian, US, UK, Irish and South African nationals in addition to Maldivian teachers.

The Checkered History of Muleeaage

When last Friday President Mohamed Nasheed moved into Muleeaage, he was essentially moving the seat of power as near as possible to its original historic location.   Muleeaage was built between 1914 and 1919 by King Shamsuddin III for his son and heir Prince Hassan Izzuddin. Located on the site of Shamsuddin's ancestral home, Muleege, the new house was designed on the style of colonial bungalows in vogue during the era in Ceylon and completed in preparation for the return of Izzuddin to Male in 1920 after completing his education at Royal College, Colombo. 

 Admittedly Muleeaage or its predecessor Muleege never served as a Royal Palace. But it is located just a stone's throw away from the site of the former royal palace, now called Sultan's Park.  Most of the buildings in the royal palace grounds were demolished during the late 1960s and thus the original palace no longer exists.  As such the nearest one could get to a royal palace is Muleeaage.

Muleege, which stood on the original site, was the ancestral home of King Hassan Izzuddin (Dhon Bandaarain 1759-66) from his maternal side. It remained with the Huraage ruling dynasty throughout its history. The last occupant was Prince Muleegey Manippulhu, who later ascended the throne as King Shamsuddin III.  

 The first occupant of the newly built Muleeaage was Hassan Izzuddin, from 1920 to 1934. The house did not prove auspicious for Hassan, though he apparently spent many happy moments there. Those days it was famous for the many music and dance performances organized by the young prince. Izzuddin however soon became the victim of a smear campaign organized by his uncle Abdul Majeed and cousin Hassan Fareed. Ultimately he was discredited and banished in 1934 to Fuvahmulah where he died in 1938.

 After Izzuddin's ouster Muleeaage remained in disuse till Mohammed Amin shifted the Ministry of Home Affairs there during World War II. Later when Amin became president in January 1953, he made it his presidential palace. After Amin's ouster later that year it became the Prime Minister's Office under Ibrahim Faamuladheyri Kilegefaanu. After that Muleeaage again went into a period of disuse till the late 1970s, when President Ibrahim Nasir made it presidential palace once again. It retained this status till 1995 when Theemuge became the new presidential palace.

After the inauspicious deaths of the first two occupants of Muleeaage, the later occupants appear not to have taken any particular liking for the house. Nasir used it only as temporary residence while his own house Velaanaage was under construction. Maumoon also used it more or less similarly while Theemuge was being readied.

With the new president showing a clear preference for Muleeaage, the house is destined to see greater days. Many people believe it is a better choice than Theemuge, historically, esthetically, topographically and financially.

For Provinces the Countdown Begins Now

By appointing 5 more State Ministers to govern the newly created provinces of the Maldives, President Nasheed on Friday revealed his full provincial team. This also marks the beginning of the race to develop the provinces.

Provincial administration is a landmark in the history of Maldives. Throughout the written history of the Maldives, the archipelago has been governed as atolls. Ancient records show that Maldivian kings styled themselves as ‘Sovereign of 13 atolls and 12,000 islands.’ According to the legend of Muhammad Thakurufaan, during Portuguese rule there were four atolls to the north of Male, all governed by a man called Viyazoru.

During 20th Century there was a trend to divide atolls and increase their numbers. This trend was started by Mohammed Amin who gave Dhivehi alphabet letters to most of the currently existing atolls. During the regime that followed, the original Haa atoll and Gaafu atoll were subdivided, and more recently Alifu atoll was similarly subdivided.

President Nasheed’s new initiative is a 180 degree reversal of this trend –merging individual atolls into provinces instead of dividing. His initiative also ends 20 years of failure by President Gayoom to implement (sic) population consolidation.

The newly appointed State Ministers have sweeping powers and are in the drivers’ seat to create history. They come from varied backgrounds. Some have experience in the construction and engineering sectors. Others are technocrats and yet others have majored in development studies. How will they perform? One thing is certain. In the next 6 to 12 months they will be judged and compared with their peers in other provinces. They will have to show results, not excuses.

The Global Recession is Our Problem Too

When last October FTSE 100 (related to London Stock Exchange) share index plunged about 10%, falling below 4,000 points for the first time in five years, most Maldivians would have been blissfully unaware. Even the few who WERE aware would have simply shrugged it off, "Surely all those yelling traders in UK have nothing to do with me?"

Wrong. Their actions will affect your food prices, your health bills, your electricity bills, your salary, your investments and what you earn as rent from your home. FTSE 100 will affect the Maldives directly and indirectly. Directly because the United Kingdom is one of our main tourism markets and indirectly because London is the world's number 2 financial center. In fact, the ripple effects of UK's financial woes were felt immediately, with falls across the world - in France, Germany, Australia, Hong Kong, Singapore and Russia, as well as in Tokyo and on Wall Street.

Actual tourist arrivals in the Maldives appear to be sustained, at least for the time being. But many resorts report low bar sales and extras, indicating that tourists are tight with their wallets. In addition, there are recent indications that world tourism is slowing. In an ominous development British Airways two days ago reported a loss of £70 million over the past year.

Under normal circumstances a credit crunch in the developed world would have relatively less impact on a relatively isolated financial market as in the Maldives. This is because a sort of 'reverse Darwinism' works in the international money market: the more sophisticated a system is the more it is affected by any downturn. Thus it is no coincidence that the current crisis had its origins and severest impact in London and New York –They are the most sophisticated financial centers in the world. Compared to them our financial system is primitive. Not many Maldivians have even heard of 'collateralized debt obligations' and 'mortgage-backed securities,' let alone own them.

But thanks to Bank of Maldives, we have our very own version of 'toxic debts' in the form of non-performing loans given to political bigwigs. This is an unfortunate coincidence.

The picture for our immediate financial future is very bleak. But not many of us appear to be worried. Our restaurants are still overflowing. Shopping is a bit slow only because traders are unable to get foreign exchange to pay for import bills. We are still in overspending mode even though our foreign currency reserves cover only a few weeks of imports. How long can we go on as if nothing has happened?

A Mass Transport System Impossible in Male?

In Male it is now near impossible to drive a car and park it anywhere near one’s destination. Taxis are never available when one needs them. And things are getting worse every day. If the present trend continues there will soon be no space on the roads even to ride a motorcycle. In most western cities road congestion has been controlled by establishing mass transport systems like trams, buses and subways. Is it too late for Male to develop at least a bus service?

From the hyper congestion on Male streets one could be excused if one believes a bus service is impossible. But is there an alternative way of reducing the congestion? Admittedly the situation appears Catch -22 like: One needs bus services to reduce road congestion, while bus services are impossible without first reducing the congestion. Without a solution for the problem, we will be doomed to watch by as increasing traffic slowly strangles life on the island.

As of now, some outer roads still offer scope for running buses. For example the U shaped segment starting from West Park through Ameenee Magu to Hulhumale Ferry terminal. This route could offer reasonable access to at least a third of the Male population including students and ferry passengers. Depending on the response to the service there are some other wide roads too that could be opened up for bus services.

It is really difficult to predict the success of a mass transport system in a place like Male. But the issue is too serious to be given up as impossible, without even trying.

What is DRP’s Game Plan?

There is nothing extraordinary about Dhivehi Rayyithunge Party (DRP) wanting to secure 50 seats, or 60 seats or even all the 75 seats in the forthcoming parliamentary elections. What IS remarkable is the strategy it appears to be adopting to achieve that ambitious goal.

From the signals Party leader Gayoom is giving out it appears the party is thinking of treading the beaten track, raising the bogey of Christianity and the ghost of xenophobia. "A few nights ago, I said we need to win, not just 50 seats but a minimum of 60 seats. If we secure 60 seats out of the 75 seats in the Majlis, then DRP will be able to steer the country back on track; we will able to protect the country's Islamic faith; there will be no opportunity for other religions in Maldives; the country's political system will prevail, and nobody will be able interfere with the country's sovereignty," Gayoom said speaking at the party's General Assembly held on Sunday night at Dharubaaruge.

Gayoom also tried his usual rhetoric of claiming the credit for reforms and development. Speaking in this vein, he said that if the party wins sufficient seats they will be able to put the country back on track and bring further development.

Using a tried and failed method may not appear very smart. But appearances may be deceptive, especially superficial appearances. Deeper analysis shows that DRP did get 46% of the votes during the presidential election. The party's current strategy might be to retain that vote share. If they manage that and if the ruling coalition gets divided what would be the result? Only time will tell.

Sultan’s Park

The Sultan’s Park in Male is a cozy little garden in the heart of the capital. At least it would be –if one removes all the weed, remove the dead plants, water the lawns, pave the dusty walkways and plant new flowers: in short reverse the decades of neglect suffered by the only garden in Male. The new leadership at the Municipality has removed the barbed wires enclosing the park. They must follow it up with a sustainable plan to maintain it.

Sultan’s Park stands at the site of the royal palace of Maldives, parts of which are still preserved as the National Museum. After demolishing the other buildings in the palace compound, the government of Ibrahim Nasir established the park in the late 1960s. Those days it was a beautiful garden where many memorable childhood photographs were taken. Later for some unexplained reasons the park went into years of neglect and parts of the garden were given to Dhiraagu.

Currently the park is a bit too small to be the only garden in Male. However with a little bit of imagination and courage a swath of greenery can be developed extending from the Park to the President’s Office through Bandeyrige, Republican Square and the site of Ghazee building and Faashana building. The latter two buildings are dilapidated and await demolition. And at a time when we are talking of reducing the size of the government, why two additional buildings must be built to replace them is a relevant question especially when Velaanaage building is nearing completion. Similarly why the headquarters of the Maldives National Defense Force must occupy the face of Male is beyond comprehension.

Male has suffered from years of neglect, seriously compromising the quality of life of its citizens. Sacrifices must be made to bring the old glory of Male.