Is Kalhuvakaru Mosque Mughal Architecture?

According to an article in Haveeru Daily, Kalhuvakaru Mosque is an example of 'miniature' Mughal architecture. How accurate is this statement?

Examining the mosque, the first thing one observes is that the mosque does not exhibit any of the typical features of Mughal architecture. These features are:

• Jaroka: Overhanging balconies;
  
• Chhatri: Stone canopies that resemble umbrellas;
  
• Chhajja: Stone eaves;
  
• Jali: fenestrated stone carvings. Dhivehi word 'jaali' has more or less the same meaning;
  
• Guldasta: Flower shaped pinnacles;
  
• Charbagh: Quadrangular gardens.
  

So what architectural features does the mosque have? The most prominent feature is the coral carving in the base structure. This is more or less identical to the carvings in Hukuru Mosque, built during the time of Ibrahim Iskandharu (1648-1687). (Hukuru Mosque was built a few years after Taj Mahal was completed in 1653.)

Coral carving is an ancient art practiced in the Maldives since time immemorial. Evidence of this can be found in tomb stones in Koagannu Cemetery of Meedu Addu Atoll, which date back to the 12^th Century CE. This was 400 years before the first Mughal Emperor, Babur, defeated Ibrahim Lodhi at the First Battle of Panipat in 1526 to establish the Mughal Empire. Mughal architecture came much later. (The picture above contrasts Mughal stone carving and those found in Male mosques.)

The other striking feature in Kalhuvakaru Mosque is the wooden ceiling decoration. This type of ceiling decoration is not part of Mughal architecture, which uses interlaced stone-and-masonry arches and vaults for this purpose. On the other hand, such ceiling decoration is found in some temples of Sri Lanka.

It might be interesting to find out why experts who saw Kalhuvakaru Mosque thought it is Mughal architecture. Is it simply because it's a mosque and Mughals were Muslims? In the 16 years I spent in India, I have seen hundreds of Mughal buildings and mosques, none of them resembling Kalhuvakaru Mosque even remotely.

[To read the Haveeru article in Dhivehi click here.]

BBC: Blast carnage at shrine in Iraq

The howling of the wounded echoed through a nearby hospital where the victims were admitted, the hallways packed with security forces and anxious family members looking for loved ones … …

At Friday prayers in Tehran, former Iranian President Ali Akbar Rafsanjani condemned Thursday's attack on pilgrims. "The incident yesterday was a very, very hateful example of those who harm religion in the name of religion," he said.

Lying on a stretcher, her head and hand bandaged, Sabiha Kadhim, 50, said: "I was near the shrine and suddenly there was a huge explosion and a fire broke out.

"I saw human body parts everywhere."

According to new statistics from Iraq's health ministry since 2005 when violence worsened more than 87,000 Iraqis have been killed.

For more details click here.

Preventing Hospital Mishaps

The demonstrations against ADK Hospital following the tragic deaths of 37-year-old pre-school teacher Aishath Shaheen Mohamed and her unborn baby following a caesarian section on Monday brings to sharp focus yet again the increasing frequency of suspected cases of medical malpractice in the Maldives. The few cases that have gone up to the court, thanks to pro-bono lawyer Husnu Suood, such as those of Ali Zakhwan and Aishath Iyan are just the tip of the iceberg. Even those two cases are still pending in the court.

Shaheen, who had a past history of 2 caesarean deliveries, was admitted to ADK Hospital on 19th April. She was taken up for surgery the following day after her baby was diagnosed dead by hospital doctors. Her condition worsened following surgery and was referred to Indira Gandhi Memorial Hospital, where she died soon after.

The matter is under investigation by Maldives Police Services as well as ADK Hospital. Thus it is inappropriate to express any opinions here that would compromise the investigation. However, in the interest of preventing future mishaps certain points must be noted.

• Is there an internal system in any Maldivian hospital to review complications and deaths proactively? Or is the system geared to hush up mishaps unless relatives complain or demonstrate?
  
• So far we have only heard about Police and ADK investigations. Where is the Health Ministry investigation; and is the Medical Council sleeping?
  
• One protester, Fathimath Shirmeela, is reported to have said it was imperative the government carried out comprehensive checks on foreign doctors and their qualifications. Is the Medical Council in a position to clear her doubts and concerns?
  
• Another protestor, Hawwa Riyaza, said the purpose of the protest was to raise awareness about the poor service at the hospital. How accurate is her statement on quality? Is there an objective way to measure quality in ADK or any other hospital? Whose responsibility is it to ensure that each hospital has a system of quality assurance?
  
• Is it left to Husnu Suood to single-handedly tackle the issue of medical malpractice in the country?
  

 

 

Why Maldives was not in ILO

Till yesterday, when People’s Majlis resolved that Maldives could join International Labor Organization (ILO), it had the dubious distinction of being on a very short list of countries refusing to join the organization, a list that was headed by North Korea. The long delay in joining ILO had historic reasons that date back to the late 70s and early 80s, when a large number of Maldivians were employed as seamen in foreign shipping lines.

People from those days could perhaps recall many incidents of returning seamen going to jail straight from the airport, though not many would have understood why. At the bottom of the mystery was the reason why foreign lines preferred Maldivian sailors: they could make Maldivians work for a pittance, as they were not protected by any local or international laws. As such, Maldivian sailors were paid very low wages compared to the minimum wages in Western countries. When ships called at US and EU ports, lawyers representing labor unions helped the Maldivians file cases against the shipping lines and get large amounts of money as compensation.

Those days the government took a hard-line against those who filed such cases. Perhaps officials felt they were detrimental to the continued employment of Maldivians as sailors. This is not the place or time to discuss whether that policy was right or wrong. The issue is raised here to give background information on why Maldives was not an ILO member all these days.

Some interesting points:
There were a couple of interesting points during the Majlis debate. One was the assurance that joining ILO would not automatically impose any obligations on Maldives. This assurance betrays lack of understanding of how international legal instruments work. They follow a familiar pattern. First, countries are made to accept the parent convention. This would then be used as the thin edge of the wedge to pry open sufficient space to push in ‘optional protocols.’ Soon, the country would be overwhelmed by implementation and reporting obligations.

The other interesting point was the reservations Maldives made while deciding to join ILO. This was mainly to enable the country to continue denying the right of worship to expatriate workers.

Must an atoll council be an atoll council?

The term 'Atoll Council' as defined in the decentralization bill currently under debate in the Majils has led to a political maelstrom and a war of words between the President and his Attorney General, who believes the councils are unconstitutional. Below is what the Constitution says on the subject.

Article 230 (b): "For the purpose of governing the administrative divisions according to the principles of decentralization, the President has the power to create institutions, posts, island councils, atoll councils and city councils, as provided in law."

Schedule II of the Constitution lists out the 'administrative divisions.' The list comprises 21 divisions: the existing 20 atolls of Maldives plus Male.

In the light of Article 230 (b) above, the President has the power to create 5 entities, three of which are councils. The question is where do these councils belong?

Let us start with 'island' council, probably the least controversial among the three. There appears to be no dispute that the word 'island' here refers to the existing administrative islands of Maldives (which in some cases could be more than one in a geographical island, e.g. Fuvahmulah).

Defining 'city' council is also not that controversial. According to common perception, Male is the nearest to a city that the Maldives has. Further, Schedule II lists Male as an administrative division. Since it is the only division in the list which is not an atoll, putting 2 and 2 together, it is reasonable to assume that 'city council' belongs to Male.

This brings us to the bone of contention –atoll council. Attorney General Dhiyana Saeed appears to favor the view that an atoll council should belong to one of the 20 atolls listed as administrative divisions in Schedule II. However, this is not how the draft bill on decentralized administration sees things. According to the bill, an 'atoll' council need not belong to just one administrative atoll. Rather it could belong to the 2 - 4 atolls in the provinces proposed by the bill.

The decentralized administration bill is currently in the Majlis, where members will decide the issue and pass the law. After that it could perhaps go to the Supreme Court for a ruling on whether the law is constitutional.

Heritage vital to the survival of Maldives as a nation

The recent history of Kalhuvakaru Mosque is a virtual barometer that reflects the cavalier treatment meted out to Maldivian heritage by successive regimes. It is also a damning clue to why the younger generation has lost its sense of identity and pride in the nation.

Built of ebony wood (the black color of which gives the mosque its name) on a carved coral stone base, Kalhuvakaru Mosque dates back to 1789, to the regime of King Hassan Noordeen I in the Maldives and the French Revolution in Europe. Till 1978 it was located near the National Football Stadium.

In 1978 Kalhuvakaru Mosque was dismantled to make way for a larger two-storey mosque. The old woodwork and masonry was auctioned off and bought by Furanafushi resort, where it was reconstructed. After Maumoon Abdul Gayoom became president later that year he took action to get back the mosque. The Australian owner of Furanafushi donated the mosque to the government (It was not bought back as claimed by the government).

Maumoon’s action appears to have been motivated more by politics than any love for heritage. This is indicated by the fact that the mosque was not restored back to its original historical site. Rather, it was placed in an insignificant corner of Sultan’s Park and left to decay. Perhaps it would have been better maintained if it was left in Furanafushi.

Kalhuvakaru Mosque was not the only historical structure demolished during the regimes of Ibrahim Nasir and Maumoon. The list includes, Aa Koattay Buruzu and other forts in Male, most buildings in the royal palace compound, Sifainge and numerous historic mosques in various parts of Maldives.

Last year, under an externally funded project, restoration work was started on Kalhuvakaru Mosque. The mosque was reopened by President Mohamed Nasheed on Monday. Speaking at the ceremony he said that history and heritage were the most important distinctions of a country. This is a significant departure from the past policy on nationalism and heritage, giving a ray of hope for national revival.

Theemuge Audit Report

The latest in the 'time bomb' series of Auditor General's reports, this one on Presidential Palace Theemuge, confirms what we have known all along. Despite celebrating the diamond jubilee of constitutional rule in the Maldives, the concept of state property remains the same as it was during the era of absolute monarchy.

From time immemorial right up to this day, Maldivians believe that state property belongs to the ruler. Up to the dawn of 20th Century it was the King; afterwards it was the Prime Minister and finally now it's the President. The conviction runs so deep that despite the current Constitution requiring that presidential entitlements must be limited by law, such a law remains yet to be passed eight months into the Constitution.

Against this background, each year during the past 30 years, Presidential Palace budgets have been passed by the Majlis, each one larger than its predecessor. No member of the Majlis had ever dared to question the size of the budget or how it was spent. No wonder then that the Auditor General found what he found in Theemuge expenditure, some of the highlights of which are:

• $ 17 million spent on construction of Theemuge;
  
• Over 300 staff employed;
  
• Rf 45 million spent on staff out of a total budget of 187 million;
  
• 55 cars at the service of the Presidential Palace;
  
• 11 plots of land dedicated for Theemuge in various parts of Male;
  
• 4 houses in 4 regional airports for the President's personal use;
  
• Presidential suites in Colombo and London High Commissions.
  

Auditor General has recommended that former President Gayoom be asked to repay what he spent on his extended family from Theemuge budget. This is likely to take us back in time to the first half of 20th Century, when Abdul Majeed Rannabandeyri Kilegefaanu (former Prime Minister and Bodu Bandeyri) faced a similar predicament. He was supposed to have replied, "You know how these things are. We don't keep accounts here, so it's difficult to determine what's mine and what's the government's. Let's do one thing. I have three houses, Maabageechaage, Maafannuge and Athiree Maafannuge. I'll keep two; the government can have one, Athiree Maafannuge."

By a strange coincidence, the house that Kilegefaanu gave that day was today's Theemuge.

Will little Iyaan get justice in medical malpractice case?

While the Maldivian judicial system grapples with one of its first medical malpractice cases, everyone wishes well for the little 5-year old girl at the center of the case, who sustained permanent damage to her ears and hopes she will get justice.

The case revolves around a course of the antibiotic gentamicin given to Aishath Iyaan in 2007, when she was only 3 years old. Later, Iyaan developed deafness.

While quite commonly used for serious infections with susceptible bacteria, gentamicin has well known side effects, which include ear and kidney damage. Thus the question of malpractice will hinge on whether it was used appropriately with due precautions. For example:

1. Was there a proper indication (reason) to use gentamicin and was it the best choice for the child's infection?
   
2. Was the dose appropriate for the body weight?
   
3. Were the parents informed of the risks?
   
4. Was kidney function monitored?
   

[Note: the above is not an exhaustive list.]

Going through reports of the case in Jazeera and Minivan News it appears that the hospital records of the child were not documented well enough to answer the above and other similar questions. In many jurisdictions in the developed world, lack of documentation is taken as evidence against the hospital, which has the burden of proof to show that it followed standard recommendations and procedures.

The Evolving Illicit Sex Industry

During the 1990s, the Maldives became perhaps the first country in the world to use a 'military' tactic to invade a brothel house, when a high ranking officer of the National Security Service announced on national TV that Ni*** Mo** house in Maafannu was raided and prostitutes caught in action. Since then brothel houses are being raided with increasing frequency (though military tactics are no longer used), indicating that the business is burgeoning.

As years pass by, the business is also evolving. For example, when Ni*** Mo** brothel was in operation 10 years back, the staff as well as the clientele were all Maldivian. Nowadays both tend to be foreigners. The staff now comes from places as far as Samarkand and Shanghai.

Those arrested in the most recent raid included 3 Chinese women and a Bangladeshi man. Caught flagrante delicto in a guesthouse in H. White Stream, the quartet were 36 year old Caixia Zhuang, 38 year old Ziufang Wang and 26 year old Lihua Rao and Mahabub Aalam. The police recovered from them money and 'equipment' used for the act (whatever that meant).

Perhaps such foreigners represent the tip of the iceberg. There is reason to believe that a larger hidden component exists, involving Maldivian girls and Maldivian clients. However, it's more difficult to detect because that particular market segment operates on a different model using mobile phones and house visits. There is also a niche up-market segment that provides escorts for holidays in resorts, Colombo or Singapore.

According to the few surveys that have been conducted within the local community, the price of a unit of sex has been steadily decreasing from about 500 rufiyaa about 5 years back to about 100 rufiyaa these days (there is a price range of course). This indicates an increase in supply.

Prostitution will not disappear unless its social root causes are addressed:

1. An expatriate population of 80,000 in the Maldives;
   
2. A floating population of about 20,000 Maldivians in Male;
   
3. Wide income disparities between poor households and the elite.

Top 10 and Maldives Schools

Every year when Cambridge O' level results are announced, it's chest thumping time for Maldives Education Ministry officials, claiming their school system is the best in the world. True, Maldivian students display individual brilliance that compares with the best in the world who take these exams. But what is conveniently forgotten during the celebrations is the inconvenient fact that 73% of the 7000 candidates fail the exams. So, which of these two pictures represents the real school system of Maldives?

Looking at the results this year, six students were placed 1st in the list of world top 10. Five of them belonged to the so-called elite schools of Male, even though five of them were citizens of other islands. In addition, 33 students were included in the world top 10. This is an increase over last year's figure of 25.

That's the good news. The bad news is that only 27% of the 7000 candidates passed the examination. Further, 22% of the candidates brought a "U" set, meaning they did not score any marks. Another worrying trend is the decreasing pass percentage of Dhivehi and Islam.

Many ordinary Maldivians believe that the brilliant performances at Top 10 level is more due to inherent talent and private tuition rather than anything done by the schools. They believe the actual contribution of the schools is the 27% pass rate. This of course is a very harsh judgment.

Whatever the reason, there is a widening gulf between the handful of world beaters and the vast majority of students who come out as failures from the schools. An interesting question is, how will the new policy of establishing elitist private schools affect the situation?

Can DRP Unite the Country?

As articulated by former President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, DRP’s main election promise this time is to unite the country politically and religiously. This is one promise that is unlikely to be fulfilled even if the DRP-PA alliance gets all the seats in the Majlis. We are not talking here about the capability of the alliance, but the impossible nature of achieving social unity, a task no country has achieved in modern times.

In fact developed countries have realized the impossibility of achieving such unity and have adopted a policy of multi-culturalism long ago. The policy involves accepting the differences between various groups and tolerating them.

It’s not actually very difficult to understand why unity cannot be achieved in an information age. When one knows a subject one is likely to have opinions on various aspects of the subject. The more one knows the subject, the stronger his opinions are likely to be. Further, strong opinions are likely to clash. It is such clash of opinions that results in factionalism.

In the Maldives case, religious factionalism started with increased religious awareness created over the last three decades. Religious awareness is still increasing in the Maldives, so factionalism will also keep increasing.

There is no basis for the claim that ignorance is the cause of extremism and jihadism. All academic studies on the subject reveal that jihadists are generally more educated than the average person in the community from which they come. (Recall the academic backgrounds of 9/11 hijackers.)

In the sphere of politics too, awareness is increasing in the Maldives. So political divisions are also likely to increase in the future.

Probably Maumoon himself knows that he will never be able to unite the Maldives the way it used to be. After all, when all the disunity occurred he was firmly in power. What can he do now that he couldn’t do earlier?

How Genuine are the Candidates?

No one has so far said they are standing for the election because of the 62,000 rufiyaa salary. We don’t even expect them to admit it, but at least for some candidates the salary must be a big issue. It’s really a funny situation. The candidates as well as the voters know that election promises will remain just that: promises and nothing else.

Most candidates claim their reason for standing for a particular constituency is because they know the place well. However, in most cases the truth is that the candidate lives in Male and has no contact with the home island except for occasional visits during the Eid Holidays. The real reason to choose the constituency could more likely be to take advantage of the presence of relatives in the island.

When a candidate is asked what they will do for the constituency, they usually come up with long lists of projects including schools, harbors and resorts. Realistically speaking Majlis members will have no direct influence on decisions to build such infrastructure, since they come under the purview of the executive branch of the state.

Few candidates appear to concentrate on the actual role of Majlis members and their realistic contribution to the process. But if the voters are happy with what the candidates say, who are we to complain?

Presumed Innocent

The old couple who brought one kilogram of heroin from India to the Maldives on 9^th April may be innocent –an assumption most people are apparently making because of the advanced age of the couple. But are they really innocent? Whatever the truth, one thing is certain. This is a loophole in the system and criminals are certain to take advantage of it.

With one notable exception, Maldivians generally assume old people don't do crime. The exception is of course former President Gayoom. Supposing the contraband was found on his luggage when he returned from his recent trip to Trivandrum, he is unlikely to have received much sympathy. Why this difference?

Again this may be due to the assumption that uneducated people are innocent. Like the previous assumption this also has no scientific basis at all. In fact in most studies low educational achievement is associated with higher crime rates, not lower.

For details of the case in Dhivehi click here.

Judges Deserve Good Salaries

In any country except the Maldives, it would be shocking to see so many high profile resignations from judicial posts as we saw in recent years, including those of some of the best legal brains in the country such as Husnu Suood and Ahmed Muiz. However, in the Maldivian government services, dominated as it were by bureaucrats who insist professionals must be paid less than them, such resignations are taken in the stride. It is therefore very welcome that the Judicial Service Commission has proposed more reasonable salaries for judges.

Judges and lawyers are highly educated professionals with earning potential far surpassing the salaries they are paid in government service. While it may not be possible to fully compensate them, a reasonable salary is the minimum they deserve.

Enhancing the salaries of judges alone may not be enough to raise the quality of the legal system in the country. Lawyers also must be paid reasonable compensation and retained in the government service. The recent fiasco about lawyers in the Civil Service was eminently avoidable.

Recovering even a single copper coin may be difficult

“This is your ransom. Two million dollars in unmarked bills, just like you wanted...,” Tom Mullen (Mel Gibson) in the 1996 movie ‘Ransom.’

Why, do you think, former President Gayoom (allegedly) used to pay in cash in his many trips abroad, in this day and age when all self-respecting presidents make their payments in credit cards or bank transfers? We may never know why he did it, but from watching thriller movies we have a fairly good idea why some others do it. (See quote above). It leaves no paper or electronic trail – and makes it that much more difficult to trace. Recovering even a single copper coin of embezzled money –if any –would be near impossible.

Dead ends and cold trails
Some years back I asked the Philippines Ambassador about the progress of recovering the over 1 billion dollars allegedly embezzled by former dictator Marcos. It appears that less than 1% of the sum was recovered, while the expenditure on the international investigations was higher. Marcos had transferred the money to dummy companies he had created. Investigators hunted the money from company to company across the globe. But in each case the trail ultimately disappeared in a non-existent company. Marcos had developed a smart way to cover his trail. But perhaps smarter would be to leave no trail at all.

Wealth beyond known sources of income
When Gayoom came to power in 1978, members of his family and in-laws were middle class people, some struggling with debts. When he left power in 2008, many of them were unimaginably rich, owning resorts and vast land holdings in Male. Many people believe such richness is well beyond their known sources of income. There are rumors of commissions, kickbacks and gifts for favors to international parties. It is unlikely that any records of such transactions would be uncovered in an investigation.

Siphoning?
For most of Gayoom’s regime government offices were required to import their needs of machinery and heavy equipment through STO and MGTC. Often the quotations from these companies were 2 to 3 times higher than direct quotes from suppliers. What happens to the difference between the two? Again, no evidence is likely to be uncovered.

Thus, it is quite likely that not a single copper coin is recovered in the investigation of the alleged corruption of the former government. So is it worthwhile to investigate? I’ll repeat here the answer that the Philippines Ambassador gave to this question: “Yes, it’s important to investigate. Even if no money is recovered, it will send a strong message to leaders who might think of becoming corrupt in the future.”

Raajje Islam Website Unblocked

In a move that will be welcomed by advocates of free media, Telecom Authority of Maldives (TAM) has unblocked ‘Raajje Islam.’ Earlier the site was blocked at the request of the Ministry of Islamic affairs.

According to unconfirmed sources the block was triggered by Raajje Islam’s reporting of the events leading to the blockade of a mosque in Foakaidhoo, Shaviyani Atoll, because the Imam refused to recite qunooth regularly in every dawn prayer. Raajje Islam has posted translations of fatwas on the subject by the late Sheikh Abdul Aziz bin Baz, the former Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia and others.

In his Fatwa Bin Baz says, “... As for reciting qunooth indefinitely in each dawn prayer, it is not allowed. On the contrary, it is an innovation. This has been proved from Ahadith reported in Imam Ahmed’s Musnadh and Imam Thirmeezee’s Sunan. ... ... As for Ahadith favoring qunooth indefinitely in each dawn prayer, let it be known that they are weak Ahadith according to Hadith scholars."

The above is an example of the type of information and opinions posted in Raajje Islam. If the authorities feel such information is erroneous, they could perhaps refute them. Failure to refute is no reason to block websites.

To view Raajje Islam click here.

Not Divine Punishment this Time?

When lightning struck the Island of Kanditheemu in North Miladhunmadulu Atoll on the morning of 5th April, mercifully this time no one has labeled it a divine punishment. The twister observed the same morning in Hulhule (see picture above) also escaped the label. Lightning, tsunamis and earth quakes are often attributed to a punishment from God, not just in the Maldives but also in Western countries like the UK and the US. This is perhaps because of the sudden onset of unforeseen destruction.

Lightning is a particularly favorite for this type of labeling. This could be because it has a way of pinpointing individuals instead of a large population. In the Maldives lightning strikes are often labeled as punishment for false oaths and misappropriation of property belonging to others.

It is remarkable that more than 200 years after the scientific discovery of the explanation behind lightening and Benjamin Franklin’s invention of the lightning conductor, people should still continue with their age old superstitions.

Dhiraagu must be happy that in this particular instance no such negative association was made. After all, it was the Dhiraagu antenna that was the prime target of the strike. Other installations struck were the cable TV and electric supply. They could also consider themselves lucky to escape the blame

AG Says a Ministry must have One Permanent Secretary

Attorney General's Office has given its legal opinion to the Civil Service Commission that permanent secretary posts of ministries abolished since 11 November 2008 remain automatically terminated. AG Office also noted that the Civil Service Law is formulated to have one permanent secretary in each ministry.

The legal opinion comes as no surprise. Everyone except the civil Service Commission has been saying all along that the Commission's decision to retain 2 to 3 permanent secretaries in some ministries is illegal. Article 54 (Haa) of the Civil Service Act says a Permanent Secretary's post must be created and filled in each responsible office of the government. The wording of this article and its context leaves little doubt as to its meaning: each ministry must have one and only one permanent secretary.

Having two permanent secretaries in a ministry is more than a mere cosmetic issue. It dilutes the responsibilities of a permanent secretary (PS) described in Article 55 of the Act, and weakens the line of authority from minister to PS and downwards to civil service staff.

Simply not true

In its defense Civil Service Commission has said that it is the practice in some developed countries to have more than one permanent secretary in an institution. This is misleading. In countries with posts equivalent to permanent secretaries (head of the civil service in an institution equivalent to a ministry) such posts are single. They may be supported by deputy secretaries, joint secretaries, additional secretaries, second permanent secretaries or other similar posts. But this is an entirely different matter. The permanent secretary remains one.

[For related article in Dhivehi click here]

Why should you vote in the election?

Majlis candidates have come up with a wide range of reasons why they think you should vote for them. Here is a selection of some of the more popular reasons (among the candidates). Let's go through them to see if you can find a reason good enough to make you take the walk to the polling booth.

Visiting the constituency at 2 to 3 month intervals: This is a very popular promise in candidate manifestos. Ostensibly it is to learn the concerns of the people. This promise will be fulfilled for Male constituencies (for obvious reasons), but islanders will be lucky if they see their member once in 6 months.

Reducing salary to about 50% or donating the salary to constituency: Another very popular reason. This is going to be the first broken promise. Mark my words. You will never hear about this promise after the election.

Quran teacher and religious lectures: No manifesto will be complete without using the religious card.

Embroidery and tailoring courses for women: This promise simply has to be there. How can chauvinists hide their true colors?

Reporting back parliamentary proceedings to constituency: An elaboration of the first promise. Is this really necessary when the Majlis is shown live on TV?

Raising issues in the Majlis: This is a promise every candidate will love to fulfill. Who can resist the temptation of acting in the biggest 'Kasauti' in town?

Maintain good attendance record: Easier said than done.

Establishing a club house in Male for constituents: This is my favorite reason. If anyone promises a club house for Henveyru South constituents behind Dharubaaruge, my vote goes to him/her.

Helping government achieve its agenda: This is the ruling party reason for choosing their candidates.

Holding the government accountable: The opposition party reason.

Afeef Faces a Catch-22

Majlis Members nominated to the Judicial Services Commission face a catch-22 situation. When a general election is announced they must contest the election and retain their Majlis seat, or they will lose their place in the Commission. But if they contest the election they automatically vacate their place in the Commission. Thus either way they are doomed. At least this would be the scenario if we are to go by the legal opinion of Attorney General Dhiyana Saeed.

The issue heated up when the present Majlis nominee to the Commission, Thaa Member Hassan Afeef, who is also Chairman of the Commission, filed his nomination to defend his Majlis seat in the coming general election. Citing Article 10 of the Law on Judicial Services Commission, AG Dhiyana has said that Afeef has automatically forfeited his Commission membership. Below is an unofficial translation of the relevant parts of Article 10.

"Article 10: The following are the conditions under which a Commission Member's position may be deemed vacant: … (a.4). Contesting in an election for a political post under the Constitution or under a law…"

Applying this Article to all other members (Except the Ex-Officio members) poses no problems because they may complete their full 5-year terms without taking part in an election. But for a Majlis member nominated to the Commission, it is simply impossible to complete a 5-year term. This contravenes Article 6 of the Law, which says the term of all members (other than ex-officio) is 5 years.

Some legal experts are of the view that it is inappropriate to apply Article 10 literally in isolation without considering other articles particularly Article 6 and without considering common sense or the purpose behind the law. They say a reasonable solution to the impasse would be to allow Afeef to continue in the Commission till the dissolution of the current Majlis.

For the Dhivehi original of the Law click here

Should Bad Boys be Expelled from School?

There is little doubt that the discipline of students is appalling, particularly in Malé schools. According to a student source who wants to remain anonymous, his classmates in a famous school in the capital often take mineral water bottles filled with Vodka for drinking and selling during the interval. Smoking and selling cigarettes and supari are also widespread.

Many parents believe the problem is at least partially due to the negative influence of a few wayward students, and these 'bad apples' should be removed to save the remaining apples in the barrel. However, Education Ministry and educationalists have steadfastly refused to expel any students except in very rare instances. This is a protracted controversy with strong arguments on both sides.

A typical argument could go like this, "As a young person in the mid twenties and a teacher, I feel that the influence of any drug on pupil learning and behavior is bound to be detrimental and if left unpunished then others will follow suit."

A counter argument could go, "Expelling pupils leads to social exclusion and increases the likelihood of crime becoming a way of life, rather than just teenage misdemeanor."

And … "I would go further; they should be sent to borstal. Our attitudes to bad behavior have been far too tolerant. This would be quite a lenient sentence to many of us and a real deterrent. Let's restore some modicum of law and order rather than the liberal instigated persecution of decent ordinary people. Society must have deterrents to protect the decent law abiding majority."

… "Of course children should be expelled from school if they are known to have drugs. They are a bad influence on other children and parents have a right to know that their child will be protected from drugs, the same as they should be protected from guns or knives. The over-riding factor is very clear, drugs ruin lives. I believe that the message of teachers/heads should be explicitly clear, bring drugs into my school and you're out!"

With increasing juvenile violence in Malé streets, discipline is no longer a mere school issue. It is rather a national issue. The question is, will expelling the bad students from school improve school discipline or will it merely lead to the expelled students becoming street thugs?